城市规划与发展中英文对照外文翻译文献

中英文翻译

Urban planning and development in Tehran

With a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one of the larger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid-20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban planning exercised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development.

_ 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian cities

Planning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growth The first phase of Tehran‘s plan ning refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby at least three major efforts set the framework for the city‘s growth and development: walling the city (1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the government‘s ability and desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects.

Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the east–west Silk Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the north–south route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century; however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960).

The first large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (1779–1925).

On becoming the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the

德黑兰的城市规划与发展

1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The country‘s military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the capital city. The second large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for accommodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and European-style shops, were, according to a British observer, a ??twofold renaissance‘‘ for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300).

The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this lasted fr om 1925 to 1979. The new regime‘s emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a transport network, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread road-widening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor vehicles, the regime‘s desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was ??radically re-planned and re-built‘‘ (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transport network of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal compound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter; retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar; and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new street network was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overcoming the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization of power. The city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941.

These large-scale urban planning and development phases of Tehran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distinctively ancient Persian imagery and local expertise, the second and third phases employed European images and experts, primarily from France and Germany. What these early town planning efforts shared was that they were all envisaging a particular new form and implementing it through the (re)development of the urban environment; they were all plans for a major series of physical changes executed in a relatively short period of time.

The reforms in the second half of the 19th century opened up the city‘s society and space to new economic and cultural patterns, and unleashed centrifugal and dialectic forces that exploded in two major revolutions. Economically, the city started to be integrated into the world market as a peripheral node. Embracing the market economy divided the city along the lines of income and wealth, while new

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cultural fault lines emerged along lifestyle and attitude towards tradition and modernity. Rich and poor, who used to live side by side in the old city, were now separated from one another in a polarizing city. Moreover, modernizers welcomed living in new neighborhoods and frequented new streets and squares, while traditionalists continued to live and work in the older parts of the city. Ever since, these economic and cultural polarizations—and their associated tensions—have characterized Iran‘s urban conditions.

Planning through land-use regulation: harnessing speculative development

The second type of planning to emerge in Tehran was in the 1960s, which saw the preparation of plans to regulate and manage future change. The city had grown in size and complexity to such an extent that its spatial management needed additional tools, which resulted in the growing complexity of municipal organization, and in the preparation of a comprehensive plan for the city.

After the Second World War, during which the Allied forces occupied the country, there was a period of democratization, followed by political tensions of the start of the cold war, and struggles

over the control of oil. This period was ended in 1953 by a coup detat that returned the Shah to power, who then acted as an executive monarch for the next 25 years. With high birth rates and an intensification of rural–urban migration, Tehran— and other large cities—grew even faster than before. By 1956, Tehran‘s population rose to 1.5 million, by 1966 to 3 million, and by 1976 to 4.5 million; its size grew from 46 km2in 1934 to 250 km2in 1976 (Kari man, 1976; Vezarat-e Barnameh va Budgeh, 1987).

Revenues from the oil industry rose, creating surplus resources that needed to be circulated and absorbed in the economy. An industrialization drive from the mid-1950s created many new jobs in big cities, particularly in Tehran. The land reforms of the 1960s released large numbers of rural population from agriculture, which was not able to absorb the exponential demographic growth. This new labour force was attracted to cities: to the new industries, to the construction sector which seemed to be always booming, to services and the constantly growing public sector bureaucracy. Tehran‘s role as the administrative, economic, and cultural centre of the country, and its gateway to the outside world,

wa s firmly consolidated.

Urban expansion in postwar Tehran was based on under-regulated, private-sector driven, speculative development. Demand for housing always exceeded supply, and a surplus of labor and capital was always available; hence the flourishing construction industry and the rising prices of land and property in Tehran. The city grew in a disjointed manner in all directions along the outgoing roads, integrating the surrounding towns and villages, and growing new suburban settlements. This intensified social segregation, destroyed suburban gardens and green spaces, and left the city managers feeling powerless. A deputy mayor of the city in 1962 commented that in Tehran, ??the buildings and settlements have been developed by whomever has wanted in whatever way and wherever they have wanted‘‘, creating a city that was ??in fact a number of towns connected to each other in an inappropriate way‘‘ (Nafisi, 1964, p. 426). There was a feeling that something urgently needed to be done, but the municipality was not legally or financially capable of dealing with this process.

The 1966 Municipality Act provided, for the first time, a legal framework for the formation of the Urban Planning High Council and for the establishment of land-use planning in the form of comprehensive plans. A series of other laws followed, underpinning new legal and institutional arrangements for the Tehran municipality, allowing the Ministry of Housing and others to work together in managing the growth of the city. The most important step taken in planning was the approval of the Tehran Comprehensive Plan in 1968. It was produced by a consortium of Aziz

德黑兰的城市规划与发展

Farmanfarmaian Associates of Iran and Victor Gruen Associates of the United States, under the direction of Fereydun Ghaffari, an Iranian city planner (Ardalan, 1986). The plan identified the city‘s problems as high density, especially in the city centre; expansion of commercial activities along the main roads; pollution; inefficient infrastructure; widespread unemployment in the poorer areas, and the continuous migration of low-income groups to Tehran. The solution was to be found in the transformation of the city‘s physical, social and economic fabric (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). The proposals were, nevertheless, mostly advocating physical change, attempting, in a modernist spirit, to impose a new order onto this complex metropolis. The future of the city was envisaged to

be growing westward in a linear polycentric form, reducing the density and congestion of the city centre. The city would be formed of 10 large urban districts, separated from each other by green belts, each with about 500,000 inhabitants, a commercial and an industrial centre with high-rise buildings. Each district (mantagheh) would be subdivided into a number of areas (nahyeh) and neighborhoods (mahalleh). An area, with a population of about 15–30,000, would have a high school and a commercial centre and other necessary facilities. A neighborhood, with its 5000 inhabitants, would have a primary school and a local commercial centre. These districts and areas would be linked by a transportation network, which included motorways, a rapid transit route and a bus route. The stops on the rapid transit route would be developed as the nodes for concentration of activities with a high residential density. A number of redevelopment and improvement schemes in the existing urban areas would relocate 600,000 people out of the central areas (Far manfarmaian and Gruen, 1968).

Almost all these measures can be traced to the fashionable planning ideas of the time, which were largely influenced by the British New Towns. In his book, The Heart of Our Cities, Victor Gruen (1965) had envisaged the metropolis of tomorrow as a central city surrounded by 10 additional cities, each with its own centre. This resembled Ebenezer Howard‘s (1960, p. 142) ??social cities‘‘, in which a central city was surrounded by a cluster of garden cities. In Tehran‘s plan, a linear version of this concept was used. Another linear concept, which was used in the British New Towns of the time such as Redditch and Runcorn, was the importance of public transport routes as the town‘s spine, with its stopping points serving as its foci. The use of neighborhood units of limited population, focused on a neighborhood centre and a primary school, was widely used in these New Towns, an idea that had been developed in the 1920s in the United States (Mumford, 1954). These ideas remained, however, largely on paper. Some of the plan‘s ideas that were implemented, which were rooted in American city planning, included a network of freeways to connect the disjointed parts of the sprawling metropolis; zoning as the basis for managing the social and physical character of different areas; and the introduction of Floor Area Ratios for controlling development densities.

Other major planning exercises, undertaken in the 1970s, included the partial development of a New Town, Shahrak Gharb, and the planning of a new administrative centre for the city—Shahestan—by the British consultants Llewelyn–Davies, although there was never time to implement the latter, as the tides of revolution were rising.

Planning through policy development: reconstruction after the revolution and war The revolutionary and post-revolutionary period can be divided into three phases: revolution (1979–1988), reconstruction (1989–1996), and reform (1997–2004), each demonstrating different approaches to urban planning in Tehran.

After two years of mass demonstrations in Tehran and other cities, the year 1979 was marked by the advent of a revolution that toppled the monarchy in Iran, to be replaced by a state which uneasily

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combined the rule of the clergy with parliamentary republicanism. Its causes can be traced in the shortcomings of the Shah‘s model of development, which led to clashes between modernization and traditions, between economic development and political underdevelopment, between global market forces and local bourgeoisie, between foreign influence and nationalism, between a corrupt and complacent elite and discontented masses. Like the revolution of 1906, a coalition of many shades of opinion made the revolution of 1979 possible. In the first revolution, the modernizers had the upper hand, while in the second the traditionalists won the leadership. However, the attitudes of both revolutions—and the regimes that followed them—to a number of major issues, including urban development, show a preference for modernization. In this sense, both revolutions can be seen as explosive episodes in the country‘s troubled effo rts at progressive transformation (Madanipour, 1998, 2003).

The revolution was followed by a long war (1980–1988) with Iraq, which halted economic development. Investment in urban development dwindled, while rural areas and provincial towns were favoured by the revolutionary government, both to curb rural–urban migration and to strike a balance with large cities. The key planning intervention in this period was to impose daytime restrictions on the movement of private cars in the city centre. Meanwhile, the war and the promise of free or low-cost facilities by the new government attracted more migrants to the capital city, its population reaching 6 million by 1986. The rate of population growth in the city had started to slow down from the 1950s, while the metropolitan region was growing faster until the mid-1980s, when its growth rate also started to decline (Khatam, 1993).

After the revolution and war, a period of normalization and reconstruction started, which lasted for most of the 1990s. This period witnessed a number of efforts at urban planning in Tehran. Once again, urban development had intensified without an effective framework to manage it. The comprehensive plan came under attack after the revolution, as it was considered unable to cope with change. In 1998, the Mayor criticized it for being mainly a physical development plan, for being rooted in the political framework of the previous regime, and for not paying enough attention to the problems of implementation (Dehaghani, 1995).

The comprehensive plan‘s 25-year lifespan came to an end in 1991. A firm of Iranian consultants (A-Tech) was commissioned in 1985 to prepare a plan for the period of 1986–1996. After much delay, it was only in 1993 that the plan was finally approved by the Urban Planning High Council. This plan also focused on growth management and a linear spatial strategy, using the scales of urban region, subregion, district, area and neighbourhood. It promoted conservation, decentralization, polycentric development, development of five satellite new towns, and increasing residential densities in the city. It proposed that the city be divided into 22 districts within five sub-regions, each with its own service centre (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).

The 1993 plan was not welcomed by the municipality, which disagreed with its assessments and priorities, finding it unrealistic, expensive, and impossible to implement. The municipality produced its own strategic plan for the period 1996–2001, known as Tehran Municipalty‘s Fir st Plan, or Tehran 80. Rather than introducing a land-use plan as its goal, this was the first plan for the city that emphasized a set of strategies and propose d policies to achieve them. It identified the city‘s main problems as shortage of resources to deliver its services; the pace and pattern of urban growth; environmental pollution; the absence of effective public transport, and inefficient bureaucracy. The municipality‘s vision for the future of the city was then outlined to have six major character istics: a clean city, ease of movement in the city, the creation of parks and green spaces, the development of

德黑兰的城市规划与发展

new cultural and sports facilities, reform of the municipal organization, and planning for the improvement of urban space, including preparation of comprehensive and detailed plans for land use and conservation (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 1996).

The municipality implemented part of the proposals, such as increasing the amount of green open spaces in the south, or constructing new parts of the motorway network, which was proposed by the 1968 plan; opening large parts of the city to new development, and easing movement across the city. Following the advice of the 1993 plan, the municipality relaxed FAR limits and allowed higher densities through bonus zoning. This, however, was not based on planning considerations, but was mainly to bring financial autonomy to the municipality. This proved to be popular with the development industry, but controversial with citizens. Developers could build taller buildings by paying fines to the municipality, in a policy popularly known as ??selling density‘‘, without having to show their impacts on the surrounding environment. The face of the city, particularly in its northern parts, was transformed in a short period, consisting of medium to high-rise buildings connected through wide streets and motorways. In the poorer south, a major redevelopment project, Navab, cut a motorway through the dense and decayed fabric, building gigantic superstructures on each side. The

cit y‘s administrative boundaries were expanded twice, once outward and then westward, to encompass 22 district municipalities in 700 km2.

This controversial period of reconstruction was followed by a period of democratic reform, which re-launched an elected city council for the city, which at first caused institutional confusion about its relationship with the mayor and the municipality. The council published its own vision of the city as Tehran Charter in 2001, which was the summary of the principles agreed between council members, non-governmental organizations, and urban experts at a congress about the subject. The Charter adopted sustainability and democracy as its key principles, which were used to develop strategies for natural and built environments, transport, social, cultural and economic issues, urban management, and the city‘s regional, national and international roles (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).

Currently, detailed plans are being prepared for the city‘s 22 districts, and work is under way on

a strategic plan to link these detailed plans and to guide the future development of the city as a whole. Even though the city is more integrated and democratic than before and has a more coherent approach to planning (Hourcade, 2000), some authorities still see plans as isolated documents, rather than seeing planning as a continuous process. Land use plans are produced by private sector consultants for a specified period. The role of the municipality is merely implementation of these plans, rather than generating and revising them. New schemes for urban motorways and large-scale radical redevelopment of the central and decayed areas continue to be prepared and implemented. The last mayor, who was elected the president of the republic in 2005, was a civil engineer, putting road building schemes high on his agenda, even aiming to widen parts of the most beautiful boulevard in the city (Vali Asr) to ease traffic flows. Meanwhile, the city continues to suffer from acute social polarization, high land and property prices, heavy traffic congestion and some of the worst atmospheric pollution in the world, and remains unprepared for any serious earthquake.

Managing change in a metropolis

Leaving aside the earlier phases, the key urban planning stages in the 20th century (1930s, 1960s, 1990s) show some broad similarities: they mark the periods of relative economic and political strength, in which at once urban development flourishes and the government feels able enough to manage growth. Iran‘s oil economy is so much integrated with the global economy that these periods parallel the international economic cycles and periods of urban development booms. These planning stages also

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show cyclical development pressure, cyclical attention to planning matters, within an overall move towards democratic urban governance, to sophistication of municipal organization and city planning approaches, which are nevertheless far behind the momentous process of urban growth and development. The main focus has remained management of physical development. Each phase, however, has added a new dimension to city planning: from design to regulation and policy development; each new approach adding to the complexity of the process, rather than replacing the previous approach.

The other feature they all share is their preference for redevelopment, which is the hallmark of a country with a young population caught in the fever of modernization, despite its upheavals and setbacks. Post-revolutionary governments claimed to revive many traditional forms and practices, as a reaction to radical modernization of the past. In relation to the built environment, however, they have shown strong modernist tendencies, with redevelopment remaining their favourite device, similar to previous generations. This is mainly due to the pressure for change that characterizes the modern history of Iran, as reflected in the advent of two revolutions, i.e., radical breaks from the past. It is also partly due to institutional continuity, whereby legal and institutional arrangements for urban planning remained almost intact, despite change of individuals, and despite structural changes at the higher levels of government after 1979. Also, the expert communities and their technocratic culture passed through the revolution without major internal changes, despite the flight of many professionals from the country.

Tehran‘ governance has been dominated by the central government. Although the municipality has grown in size and complexity, it is still under the shadow of government ministries, even after the launch of an elected city council and a degree of financial autonomy. It is only charged with implementing the plans, rather than preparing them; and yet it is expected to have financial autonomy, resulting in controversial ways of implementing or changing planning regulations. It is only charge d to manage its 22 districts, and yet the urban region covers 5 million inhabitants outside the city‘s boundaries. Without empowering the municipality to take full control of planning for its jurisdiction within a democratic and accountable framework, and to collaborate with other authorities in charge of the urban region, planning and management of the metropolis remain less than effective.

Conclusion

Tehran‘s pl anning history shows early stages in which new infrastructure was designed and developed by the government as part of its strategy for modernization and growth management. The intensity of speculative development after the Second World War met the demands of the exponential growth of the city‘s population. This, however, needed to be controlled and regulated through a planning process, which produced Tehran‘s comprehensive plan of 1968. Within a decade, the revolution interrupted its implementation, and growth could only be managed through piecemeal efforts. The period of reconstruction in the 1990s relaxed some of the limits of the 1968 plan, which showed the urgent need for an updated planning framework. Several planning documents were launched in this period, which show a stronger role for the municipality and attention to policy development. Work on a strategic plan for the city continues today. These plans all have much that has remained unimplemented, although they have managed to some extent to steer the course of events and develop a more sophisticated approach to planning. And yet social and economic upheavals of the past three decades, the intensity of speculative development—especially since the Second World War—and the speed of events seem to have left the city authorities and citizens alike feeling trapped in a turmoil, lagging behind the events, and unable to manage change. The city continues to suffer from a range of problems, including traffic

德黑兰的城市规划与发展

congestion, environmental pollution, and unaffordable property prices.

德黑兰的城市规划与发展

摘要：德黑兰是世界上较大的城市之一，拥有居民人口1200万，都市人口约700万，本文主要介绍其规划和历代的发展，特别是自20世纪中期，在这个时期城市获得了其最显着的增长。这一历史进程的三个明确的阶段分别是：不同的城市规划设计和基础设施开发、土地利用规范发展、政策发展。

Elsevier Ltd版权所有，2006年。

关键字：（城市）规划，城市发展，伊朗城市

基础设施的设计的发展规划：基础增长

德黑兰规划的第一阶段是指第二次世界大战之前，至少有三个主要的成就为城市的成长和发展框架服务：城墙的城市（1550），扩大的寨城（1870），建设一个新的城市基础设施（1930）。他们都是以政府主导的能力和意愿来改变和塑造大规模的城市基建工程。

德黑兰是在一座在古老的城市Ray外的村庄，在该国的最高峰达马万德山的山脚，也在两个主要贸易公路交汇处：东西线连接丝绸之路和厄尔布尔士山脉和南北线连接里海和波斯湾南部边缘。这里数千年之前就有人居住，是11世纪时塞尔柱王朝的首都，但它在中世纪时期结束时衰弱了，那时德黑兰开始发展（Lockhart，1960）。

德黑兰第一次大规模的城市规划工作是1553年的一个市场和城墙，依照古代波斯的城市格局设计它的1个广场和4侧的大门建筑（Barthold，1984）。此设计成为随后其他发展的框架，并且对城市的成长有重大意义，最终在1785年被选定作为卡扎尔王朝（1779-1925）的首都。

在成为首都(空格)之后，因为从事贸易和服务的市民和士兵城市开始膨胀。德黑兰9世纪60年代人口由18世纪末的15000增长了10倍，现在（Ettehadieh，1983）古城墙外的居住居民有100万。该国的与英国和俄罗斯战争的失败推进了改革的进程，正在扩大到首都。因此德黑兰第二次大规模的城市规划工作做了容纳增长和引进现代化建设的改革。它开始于1868年，有12年之久，新的城墙建

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造了一个完美的12大门八角形形式的建筑，它们的管理和因此增长的税收比他们的防御作用价值更大。首都这些变化包括一个新的中央广场，新的街道，银行，技术学院，医院，电报房，酒店和欧洲风格的商店，这是根据一个英国观察员的德黑兰―双重复兴‖方案所建造的（Curzon，1892，第300页）。

1906年的宪政革命体现出城市的持续增长和现代化压力的加剧。现代直辖市成立于1910年，这改变了城市管理的旧体制。第一次世界大战结束后，巴列维王朝上台，这个王朝从1925年持续到1979年。新政权的重点放在世俗主义和民族主义，体现出来就是集中的管理，现代化的军队，扩大的官僚，运输网络的发展，全国性市场的区域一体化和重组城镇（Abrahamian，1982）。20世纪30年代普遍的道路拓宽计划，彻底摧毁了历史性的城市结构，使他们接触到汽车。因此，德黑兰经历了第三次主要的城市规划。19世纪70年代的城墙成为不断增长的城市的限制。到1932年，人口密度以每公顷105人的速度增加了一倍，并有三分之一的人口住在城墙外。除了人口压力和机动车辆，以政府的意愿来控制城市人口和城市基础设施的现代化导致了大量的资金改造，等待着其被―根本上重新规划和重新建造‖的到来。(Lockhart, 1939, 第11页). 新的林荫大道建立在被毁坏的城墙和护城河旁，是一个218公里的新道路交通网络的一部分。皇家城墙已经残缺不全，并被新的政府广场所取代;零售商被鼓励放弃旧的搬进新的街道。新的建筑和公建在全市兴起。旧街区蜿蜒的街道向新的街道网络变革，目的都是为了统一城市空间，克服传统派系的社会结构，缓解货物运输压力，服务于军事力量，加强市场经济和支持主力。这座城市变成一个开放的矩阵，这是进一步奠定现代化基础和为未来扩张做准备的重要一步。其直接结果是城市居民从1932年的31万增长至1941年的70万。

这些大规模的城市规划和发展的为德黑兰现代化做出了贡献，推进和进行着彻底的改变。在第一阶段运用了古老的波斯鲜明的形象和本地的专业知识，第二和第三阶段聘请主要来自法国和德国的专家运用欧洲派系的做法。这些早期的城市规划成就共同的特点是，他们都设想一个特别的新形式，通过城市环境的发展来实施（翻新）;他们都是在一个相对较短的时间内规划一系列形态上的改变。

19世纪下半叶的改革打开了城市的社会空间、新的经济和文化模式，并释放了离心力和辩证力，爆发了两次主要的革命。在经济上，城市开始被纳入世界市场作为周边的节点。市场经济沿着收入和财富线分隔城市，而新的文化断层线出现了对生活方式和对传统与现代的态度的分歧。以前并排住在老城区的富人和穷人，现在彼此分开在两极分化的城市里。此外，在新街区新街道广场，现代化设施很受欢迎，同时传统主义者继续生活和工作在这个城市的旧区。从那以后，这些经济和文化极化以及其相关的局势开始紧张，这是有伊朗特色的城市状况。

德黑兰的城市规划与发展

土地利用规范规划：利用机会发展

出现在德黑兰的第二类规划是在20世纪60年代，这个规划意识到了计划调控前的准备并考虑到未来的变化。全市已长成了一定的规模性和复杂性，以这样的程度，空间管理需要另外的手段来处理城市组织和不断发展的复杂性，并为城市总体规划做准备。

第二次世界大战后，在盟军占领国家的期间，有一个时期的民主化，在冷战时开始的政治紧张局势之后，它们互相斗争对石油的控制权。这个时期已经结束于1953年，结果是由政变产生了伊朗王，那个后来担任了25年的行政君主的人。随着高出生率和农村向城市迁移，德黑兰和其他大城市增长加剧甚至比以前更快地。到1956年，德黑兰的人口上升到150万，到了1966至300万，1976至450万，其规模也从1934年46平方公里到1976年的250平方公里。

从石油行业的收入增长创造的盈余资源，需要流通和经济的吸收。50年代中期，特别是在工业化的驱动下德黑兰许多大城市有了新工作。20世纪60年代的土地改革释放了大量来自农业的农村人口，这是不能吸收的指数人口增长。这种新的劳动力被吸引到城市：到新的产业，到似乎始终蓬勃发展建筑界，去服务不断增长公共部门和官僚机构。德黑兰的角色是国家的行政，经济，文化中心，它坚定而巩固地通往外面的世界。

德黑兰战后的城市扩张，是在管制、私营部门的推动，投机性的发展下进行的。房屋一直供不应求，并有大量可用的富余劳动力和资本，因此在德黑兰建筑行业蓬勃发展，土地和财产的价格不断上涨。这个城市成长为一个在某种意义上道路对外脱节的，城镇和乡村一体化的，郊区不断增长的新的定居点。这加强了社会的孤立性，破坏了郊区的花园和绿地，并使城市管理者的感到无能为力。1962年一位副市长在德黑兰表示：―建筑物和居民点已经满足人们所想要的无论何处何种样子‖，创造了一个―事实上城镇相互连接的方式不当‖的城市（Nafisi, 1964,第426页）。有许多事情迫切需要做，但市政府并没有法律上或经济上有能力处理这进程。

1966年市政法第一次规定了城规最高委员会的法律体制和土地利用规划公司的综合计划。还有他一系列法律，以支持德黑兰市的新的法律和体制安排，使住房和其他管理工作在城市中发展起来。最重要的一步是策划的德黑兰综合计划于1968年被批准。它是由一个伊朗规划师Fereydun Ghaffari领导下的美国的Victor Gruen和伊朗的Aziz Farmanfarmaian所共同产生的（Ardalan，1986）。该计划确定的城市的问题是：城市密度过高特别是城市中心、主要道路沿线商业活动的膨胀、污染、不完善的基础设施，贫困地区广泛的失业和低收入群体不断地迁移到德黑兰。解决的办法是城市自然社会和经济结构的转型。(Farmanfarmaian

英文文献翻译

中等分辨率制备分离的 快速色谱技术 W. Clark Still,* Michael K a h n , and Abhijit Mitra Departm(7nt o/ Chemistry, Columbia Uniuersity,1Veu York, Neu; York 10027 ReceiLied January 26, 1978 我们希望找到一种简单的吸附色谱技术用于有机化合物的常规净化。这种技术是适于传统的有机物大规模制备分离，该技术需使用长柱色谱法。尽管这种技术得到的效果非常好，但是其需要消耗大量的时间，并且由于频带拖尾经常出现低复原率。当分离的样本剂量大于1或者2g时，这些问题显得更加突出。近年来，几种制备系统已经进行了改进，能将分离时间减少到1-3h，并允许各成分的分辨率ΔR f≥（使用薄层色谱分析进行分析）。在这些方法中，在我们的实验室中，媒介压力色谱法1和短柱色谱法2是最成功的。最近，我们发现一种可以将分离速度大幅度提升的技术，可用于反应产物的常规提纯，我们将这种技术称为急骤色谱法。虽然这种技术的分辨率只是中等（ΔR f≥），而且构建这个系统花费非常低，并且能在10-15min内分离重量在的样本。4 急骤色谱法是以空气压力驱动的混合介质压力以及短柱色谱法为基础，专门针对快速分离，介质压力以及短柱色谱已经进行了优化。优化实验是在一组标准条件5下进行的，优化实验使用苯甲醇作为样本，放在一个20mm*5in.的硅胶柱60内，使用Tracor 970紫外检测器监测圆柱的输出。分辨率通过持续时间（r）和峰宽（w,w/2）的比率进行测定的（Figure 1），结果如图2-4所示，图2-4分别放映分辨率随着硅胶颗粒大小、洗脱液流速和样本大小的变化。

外文翻译 - 英文

The smart grid Smart grid is the grid intelligent (electric power), also known as the "grid" 2.0, it is based on the integration, high-speed bidirectional communication network, on the basis of through the use of advanced sensor and measuring technology, advanced equipme nt technology, the advanced control method, and the application of advanced technology of decision support system, realize the power grid reliability, security, economic, efficient, environmental friendly and use the security target, its main features include self-healing, incentives and include user, against attacks, provide meet user requirements of power quality in the 21st century, allow all sorts of different power generation in the form of access, start the electric power market and asset optimizatio n run efficiently. The U.S. department of energy (doe) "the Grid of 2030" : a fully automated power transmission network, able to monitor and control each user and power Grid nodes, guarantee from power plants to end users among all the nodes in the whole process of transmission and distribution of information and energy bi-directional flow. China iot alliance between colleges: smart grid is made up of many parts, can be divided into:intelligent substation, intelligent power distribution network, intelli gent watt-hourmeter,intelligent interactive terminals, intelligent scheduling, smart appliances, intelligent building electricity, smart city power grid, smart power generation system, the new type of energy storage system.Now a part of it to do a simple i ntroduction. European technology BBS: an integration of all users connected to the power grid all the behavior of the power transmission network, to provide sustained and effective economic and security of power. Chinese academy of sciences, institute of electrical: smart grid is including all kinds of power generation equipment, power transmission and distribution network, power equipment and storage equipment, on the basis of the physical power grid will be modern advanced sensor measurement technology, network technology, communication

(完整版)城市规划文献翻译毕业设计论文

二○xx 届毕业设计 外文文献翻译

学院：建筑学院 专业：城乡规划 姓名：xxx 学号：xxxxxxxxx 指导教师：xx 完成时间：20xx年x月

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文献综述城市规划

文献综述城市规划 IMB standardization office【IMB 5AB- IMBK 08- IMB 2C】

浅谈城镇建设存在的问题与未来 姓名：李里 摘要：在阅读多篇文章以后，总结出中国目前新城镇建设存在的普遍问题，由于追求快速城镇化，造成城市建设与城市空间都存在问题，同时建设时并没有考虑保护环境这一方面。目前，生态城市成为最新的城市改造建设模式，取代了传统的城市建设模式。 关键词：城镇建设，生态城市，海绵城市，低碳城市 一、城镇建设存在的问题 目前，新城建设中突出的问题是：新城求洋求新，导致千城一面的城市，形象特色危机；大拆大建导致的生态环境破坏和历史文脉隔断；部分新城人气不足，活力缺少，建设成效与期望差距甚远；过于关注形象和规模，新城认为不足，配套缺失；不够重视经济测算，造成一定的财政负担，前期投入多，后期收效不大。 不少城市的领导为了追求任期业绩，既不尊重投入产出规律，也不考虑经济效果和创新，更不考虑资金的回收问题。对老城区部分青红皂白一律推到重建，这是一种最原始、最不科学、最粗野的城市更新方式，造成一些有保留价值的建筑、设施、古木、风貌等的破坏，是城市的有形和无形资产严重受损，甚至完全消失。城市文脉是一座城市在长期建设中形成的历史的、文化的、特有的、地域的、景观的氛围和环境，是一种历史和文化的积淀。目前，城市中普遍存在着低水平的、低层次的简单城市更新，不注重保护和延续城市的文脉，是城市的文脉收到认为的破坏和割裂。城市正在走向雷同，特有风貌消失。随着世界经济一体化进程的加快和信息、文化、科技各个领域交流的扩大，城市更新改造中大量地运用了新技术、新工艺、新材料、新的设计理念大大促进了城市更新的进程和步伐。但是由于各地“追风”现象十分严重，效仿和追大潮成为时尚，是城市更新中出现了雷同，城市正在被克隆，正在失去领域的、文化的、传统的、多样化的特色，建筑正在失去个性和灵魂。在城市更新改造中，将保护建筑视为获得眼前利益的捷径，千方百计的肆意

计算机网络-外文文献-外文翻译-英文文献-新技术的计算机网络

New technique of the computer network Abstract The 21 century is an ages of the information economy, being the computer network technique of representative techniques this ages, will be at very fast speed develop soon in continuously creatively, and will go deep into the people's work, life and study. Therefore, control this technique and then seem to be more to deliver the importance. Now I mainly introduce the new technique of a few networks in actuality live of application. keywords Internet Network System Digital Certificates Grid Storage 1. Foreword Internet turns 36, still a work in progress Thirty-six years after computer scientists at UCLA linked two bulky computers using a 15-foot gray cable, testing a new way for exchanging data over networks, what would ultimately become the Internet remains a work in progress. University researchers are experimenting with ways to increase its capacity and speed. Programmers are trying to imbue Web pages with intelligence. And work is underway to re-engineer the network to reduce Spam (junk mail) and security troubles. All the while threats loom: Critics warn that commercial, legal and political pressures could hinder the types of innovations that made the Internet what it is today. Stephen Crocker and Vinton Cerf were among the graduate students who joined UCLA professor Len Klein rock in an engineering lab on Sept. 2, 1969, as bits of meaningless test data flowed silently between the two computers. By January, three other "nodes" joined the fledgling network.

外文翻译computerprogram英文.doc

Computer Program 1 Introduction Computer Program, set of instructions that directs a computer to perform someprocessing function or combination of functions. For the instructions to be carried out, a computer must execute a program, that is, the computer reads the program, and then follow the steps encoded in the program in a precise order until completion. A program can be executed many different times, with each execution yielding a potentially different result depending upon the options and data that the user gives the computer. Programs fall into two major classes: application programs and operating systems. An application program is one that carries out somefunction directly for a user, such as word processing or game-playing. An operating system is a program that manages the computer and the various resources and devices connected to it, such as RAM,hard drives, monitors, keyboards, printers, and modems,so that they maybe used by other programs. Examples of operating systems are DOS, Windows 95, OS\2, and UNIX. 2 Program Development Software designers create new programs by using special applications programs, often called utility programs or development programs. A programmer uses another type of program called a text editor to write the new program in a special notation called a programming language. With the text editor, the programmer creates a text file, which is an ordered list of instructions, also called the program source file. The individual instructions that make up the program source file are called source code. At this point, a special applications program translates the source code into machine language, or object code— a format that the operating system

城市规划环境色彩外文翻译文献

文献信息 文献标题：Exploring Environmental Colour Design in Urban Contexts （城市环境色彩设计初探） 文献作者：Galyna McLellan, Mirko Guaralda 文献出处：《The Journal of Public Space》,2018,3(1):93-102 字数统计：英文3636单词，20879字符；中文7078汉字 外文文献 Exploring Environmental Colour Design in Urban Contexts Abstract The increasing complexity of urban colour and growing recognition of its psychological effects prompts rethinking of the current conceptual and methodological approaches to environmental colour design. Contemporary designers are challenged to understand how evolving colour knowledge can be integrated with the fundamentals of colour design. This paper aims to elaborate on the concept of environmental colour composition (ECC) and outlines an alternative approach to colour design in urban environments. A better understanding of the dynamic relationships between the tangible and perceptual elements of an ECC can bring new meaning to the consideration of colour as an integral component of city design. The proposed concepts of environmental colour events and scenarios provide a foundation for both further theoretical inquiry and practical application of synthesised colour knowledge in the design of urban environments. Keywords:environmental colour composition, environmental colour design, colour event, colour scenario ‘What is the colour of your favourite public place?’ Surprisingly, this simple question often causes confusion among many interviewees. Indeed, the complexity and ambiguity of visual information presented to viewers in a contemporary urban space make it difficult to determine what the prevailing spatial colour is. However,

变电站_外文翻译_外文文献_英文文献_变电站的综合概述

英文翻译 A comprehensive overview of substations Along with the economic development and the modern industry developments of quick rising, the design of the power supply system become more and more completely and system. Because the quickly increase electricity of factories, it also increases seriously to the dependable index of the economic condition, power supply in quantity. Therefore they need the higher and more perfect request to the power supply. Whether Design reasonable, not only affect directly the base investment and circulate the expenses with have the metal depletion in colour metal, but also will reflect the dependable in power supply and the safe in many facts. In a word, it is close with the economic performance and the safety of the people. The substation is an importance part of the electric power system, it is consisted of the electric appliances equipments and the Transmission and the Distribution. It obtains the electric power from the electric power system, through its function of transformation and assign, transport and safety. Then transport the power to every place with safe, dependable, and economical. As an important part of power’s transport and control, the transformer substation must change the mode of the traditional design and control, then can adapt to the modern electric power system, the development of modern industry and the of trend of the society life. Electric power industry is one of the foundations of national industry and national economic development to industry, it is a coal, oil, natural gas, hydropower, nuclear power, wind power and other energy conversion into electrical energy of the secondary energy industry, it for the other departments of the national economy fast and stable development of the provision of adequate power, and its level of development is a reflection of the country's economic development an important indicator of the level. As the power in the industry and the importance of the national economy, electricity transmission and distribution of electric energy used in these areas is an indispensable component.。Therefore, power transmission and distribution is critical. Substation is to enable superior power plant power plants or power after adjustments to the lower load of books is an important part of power transmission. Operation of its functions, the capacity of a direct impact on the size of the lower load power, thereby affecting the industrial production and power consumption.Substation system if a link failure, the system will protect the part of action. May result in power outages and so on, to the production and living a great disadvantage. Therefore, the substation in the electric power system for the protection of electricity reliability,

城市交通规划外文翻译

本科毕业设计（论文） 外文翻译 专业名称：土木工程 年级班级： 学生姓名： 指导教师： 二○年月日

Urban transportation Planning An urban transportation system is basic component of an urban area's social，economic，and physical structure. Not only does the design and performance of a transportation system provide opportunities for mobility，but over the long term，it influences patterns of growth and the level of economic activity through the accessibility it provides to land. Planning for the development or maintenance of the urban transportation system is thus an important activity，both for promoting the efficient movement of people and goods in an urban area and for maintaining the strong supportive role that transportation can play in attaining other community objectives. There are several basic concepts about an urban transportation system that should be kept in mind. Most important，a transportation system in an urban area is defined as consisting of the facilities and services that allow travel throughout the region，providing opportunities for:(I)mobility to residents of an urban area and movement of goods and (2) accessibility to land .Given this definition，an urban transportation system can be further characterized by three major components: the spatial configuration that permits travel from one location to another; the transportation technologies that provide the means of moving over these distances; and the institutional framework that provides for the planning, construction, operation, and maintenance of system facilities. The Spatial Configuration of a Transportation System One way to describe the spatial dimension of an urban transportation system is to consider the characteristics of individual trips from an origin to a destination. For example, a trip can consist of several types of movement undertaken to achieve different objectives. Travelers leaving home might use a local bus system to reach a suburban subway station(a trip collection process)，proceed through the station to the subway platform (a transfer process)，ride the subway to a downtown station (a line-haul process)，and walk to a place of employment (a distribution process). Similarly，one can view a home-to-work trip by car as consisting of similar segments，with the local street system providing the trip collection process, a freeway providing the line-haul capability，a parking lot in the central business district serving as a transfer point，and walking，as before，serving the distribution function. The facilities and services that provide these opportunities for travel，when

气候学知识在城市规划中的应用大学毕业论文外文文献翻译

毕业设计（论文）外文文献翻译 文献、资料中文题目：气候学知识在城市规划中的应用文献、资料英文题目： 文献、资料来源： 文献、资料发表（出版）日期： 院（部）： 专业： 班级： 姓名： 学号： 指导教师： 翻译日期： 2017.02.14

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