城市规划与发展毕业论文中英文对照资料外文翻译文献
中英文对照资料外文翻译文献Urban planning and development in
Tehran
With a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one of the larger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid-20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban planning exercised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development.
_ 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian cities
Planning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growth The first phase of Tehra n‘s planning refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby at least three major efforts set the framework for the city‘s growth and development: walling the city (1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the government‘s ability and desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects.
Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the east–west Silk Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the north–south route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century; however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960).
The first large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (1779–1925).
On becoming the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the
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1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The country‘s military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the capital city. The second large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for accommodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and European-style shops, were, according to a British observer, a ??twofold renaissance‘‘ for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300).
The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this l asted from 1925 to 1979. The new regime‘s emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a transport network, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread road-widening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor vehicles, the regime‘s desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was ??radically re-planned and re-built‘‘ (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transport network of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal compound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter; retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar; and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new street network was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overcoming the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization of power. The city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941.
These large-scale urban planning and development phases of Tehran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distinctively ancient Persian imagery and local expertise, the second and third phases employed European images and experts, primarily from France and Germany. What these early town planning efforts shared was that they were all envisaging a particular new form and implementing it through the (re)development of the urban environment; they were all plans for a major series of physical changes executed in a relatively short period of time.
The reforms in the second half of the 19th century opened up the city‘s society and space to new economic and cultural patterns, and unleashed centrifugal and dialectic forces that exploded in two major revolutions. Economically, the city started to be integrated into the world market as a peripheral node. Embracing the market economy divided the city along the lines of income and wealth, while new
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cultural fault lines emerged along lifestyle and attitude towards tradition and modernity. Rich and poor, who used to live side by side in the old city, were now separated from one another in a polarizing city. Moreover, modernizers welcomed living in new neighborhoods and frequented new streets and squares, while traditionalists continued to live and work in the older parts of the city. Ever since, these economic and cultural polarizations—and their associated tensions—have characterized Iran‘s urban conditions.
Planning through land-use regulation: harnessing speculative development
The second type of planning to emerge in Tehran was in the 1960s, which saw the preparation of plans to regulate and manage future change. The city had grown in size and complexity to such an extent that its spatial management needed additional tools, which resulted in the growing complexity of municipal organization, and in the preparation of a comprehensive plan for the city.
After the Second World War, during which the Allied forces occupied the country, there was a period of democratization, followed by political tensions of the start of the cold war, and struggles
over the control of oil. This period was ended in 1953 by a coup detat that returned the Shah to power, who then acted as an executive monarch for the next 25 years. With high birth rates and an intensification of rural–urban migration, Tehran— and other large cities—grew even faster than before. By 1956, Tehran‘s population rose to 1.5 million, by 1966 to 3 million, and by 1976 to 4.5 million; its size grew from 46 km2in 1934 to 250 km2in 1976 (Kari man, 1976; Vezarat-e Barnameh va Budgeh, 1987).
Revenues from the oil industry rose, creating surplus resources that needed to be circulated and absorbed in the economy. An industrialization drive from the mid-1950s created many new jobs in big cities, particularly in Tehran. The land reforms of the 1960s released large numbers of rural population from agriculture, which was not able to absorb the exponential demographic growth. This new labour force was attracted to cities: to the new industries, to the construction sector which seemed to be always booming, to services and the constantly growing public sector bureaucracy. Tehran‘s role as the administrative, economic, and cultural centre of the country, and its gateway to the outside world,
wa s firmly consolidated.
Urban expansion in postwar Tehran was based on under-regulated, private-sector driven, speculative development. Demand for housing always exceeded supply, and a surplus of labor and capital was always available; hence the flourishing construction industry and the rising prices of land and property in Tehran. The city grew in a disjointed manner in all directions along the outgoing roads, integrating the surrounding towns and villages, and growing new suburban settlements. This intensified social segregation, destroyed suburban gardens and green spaces, and left the city managers feeling powerless. A deputy mayor of the city in 1962 commented that in Tehran, ??the buildings and settlements have been developed by whomever has wanted in whatever way and wherever they have wanted‘‘, creating a city that was ??in fact a number of towns connected to each other in an inappropriate way‘‘ (Nafisi, 1964, p. 426). There was a feeling that something urgently needed to be done, but the municipality was not legally or financially capable of dealing with this process.
The 1966 Municipality Act provided, for the first time, a legal framework for the formation of the Urban Planning High Council and for the establishment of land-use planning in the form of comprehensive plans. A series of other laws followed, underpinning new legal and institutional arrangements for the Tehran municipality, allowing the Ministry of Housing and others to work together in managing the growth of the city. The most important step taken in planning was the approval of the Tehran Comprehensive Plan in 1968. It was produced by a consortium of Aziz
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Farmanfarmaian Associates of Iran and Victor Gruen Associates of the United States, under the direction of Fereydun Ghaffari, an Iranian city planner (Ardalan, 1986). The plan identified the city‘s problems as high density, especially in the city centre; expansion of commercial activities along the main roads; pollution; inefficient infrastructure; widespread unemployment in the poorer areas, and the continuous migration of low-income groups to Tehran. The solution was to be found in the transformation of the city‘s physical, social and economic fabric (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). The proposals were, nevertheless, mostly advocating physical change, attempting, in a modernist spirit, to impose a new order onto this complex metropolis. The future of the city was envisaged to
be growing westward in a linear polycentric form, reducing the density and congestion of the city centre. The city would be formed of 10 large urban districts, separated from each other by green belts, each with about 500,000 inhabitants, a commercial and an industrial centre with high-rise buildings. Each district (mantagheh) would be subdivided into a number of areas (nahyeh) and neighborhoods (mahalleh). An area, with a population of about 15–30,000, would have a high school and a commercial centre and other necessary facilities. A neighborhood, with its 5000 inhabitants, would have a primary school and a local commercial centre. These districts and areas would be linked by a transportation network, which included motorways, a rapid transit route and a bus route. The stops on the rapid transit route would be developed as the nodes for concentration of activities with a high residential density. A number of redevelopment and improvement schemes in the existing urban areas would relocate 600,000 people out of the central areas (Far manfarmaian and Gruen, 1968).
Almost all these measures can be traced to the fashionable planning ideas of the time, which were largely influenced by the British New Towns. In his book, The Heart of Our Cities, Victor Gruen (1965) had envisaged the metropolis of tomorrow as a central city surrounded by 10 additional cities, each with its own centre. This resembled Ebenezer Howard‘s (1960, p. 142) ??social cities‘‘, in which a central city was surrounded by a cluster of garden cities. In Tehran‘s plan, a linear version of this concept was used. Another linear concept, which was used in the British New Towns of the time such as Redditch and Runcorn, was the importance of public transport routes as the town‘s spine, with its stopping points serving as its foci. The use of neighborhood units of limited population, focused on a neighborhood centre and a primary school, was widely used in these New Towns, an idea that had been developed in the 1920s in the United States (Mumford, 1954). These ideas remained, however, largely on paper. Some of the plan‘s ideas that were implemented, which were rooted in American city planning, included a network of freeways to connect the disjointed parts of the sprawling metropolis; zoning as the basis for managing the social and physical character of different areas; and the introduction of Floor Area Ratios for controlling development densities.
Other major planning exercises, undertaken in the 1970s, included the partial development of a New Town, Shahrak Gharb, and the planning of a new administrative centre for the city—Shahestan—by the British consultants Llewelyn–Davies, although there was never time to implement the latter, as the tides of revolution were rising.
Planning through policy development: reconstruction after the revolution and war The revolutionary and post-revolutionary period can be divided into three phases: revolution (1979–1988), reconstruction (1989–1996), and reform (1997–2004), each demonstrating different approaches to urban planning in Tehran.
After two years of mass demonstrations in Tehran and other cities, the year 1979 was marked by the advent of a revolution that toppled the monarchy in Iran, to be replaced by a state which uneasily
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combined the rule of the clergy with parliamentary republicanism. Its causes can be traced in the shortcomings of the Shah‘s model of development, which led to clashes between modernization and traditions, between economic development and political underdevelopment, between global market forces and local bourgeoisie, between foreign influence and nationalism, between a corrupt and complacent elite and discontented masses. Like the revolution of 1906, a coalition of many shades of opinion made the revolution of 1979 possible. In the first revolution, the modernizers had the upper hand, while in the second the traditionalists won the leadership. However, the attitudes of both revolutions—and the regimes that followed them—to a number of major issues, including urban development, show a preference for modernization. In this sense, both revolutions can be seen as explosive episodes in the country‘s troub led efforts at progressive transformation (Madanipour, 1998, 2003).
The revolution was followed by a long war (1980–1988) with Iraq, which halted economic development. Investment in urban development dwindled, while rural areas and provincial towns were favoured by the revolutionary government, both to curb rural–urban migration and to strike a balance with large cities. The key planning intervention in this period was to impose daytime restrictions on the movement of private cars in the city centre. Meanwhile, the war and the promise of free or low-cost facilities by the new government attracted more migrants to the capital city, its population reaching 6 million by 1986. The rate of population growth in the city had started to slow down from the 1950s, while the metropolitan region was growing faster until the mid-1980s, when its growth rate also started to decline (Khatam, 1993).
After the revolution and war, a period of normalization and reconstruction started, which lasted for most of the 1990s. This period witnessed a number of efforts at urban planning in Tehran. Once again, urban development had intensified without an effective framework to manage it. The comprehensive plan came under attack after the revolution, as it was considered unable to cope with change. In 1998, the Mayor criticized it for being mainly a physical development plan, for being rooted in the political framework of the previous regime, and for not paying enough attention to the problems of implementation (Dehaghani, 1995).
The comprehensive plan‘s 25-year lifespan came to an end in 1991. A firm of Iranian consultants (A-Tech) was commissioned in 1985 to prepare a plan for the period of 1986–1996. After much delay, it was only in 1993 that the plan was finally approved by the Urban Planning High Council. This plan also focused on growth management and a linear spatial strategy, using the scales of urban region, subregion, district, area and neighbourhood. It promoted conservation, decentralization, polycentric development, development of five satellite new towns, and increasing residential densities in the city. It proposed that the city be divided into 22 districts within five sub-regions, each with its own service centre (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).
The 1993 plan was not welcomed by the municipality, which disagreed with its assessments and priorities, finding it unrealistic, expensive, and impossible to implement. The municipality produced its own strategic plan for the period 1996–2001, known as Tehran Municipal ty‘s First Plan, or Tehran 80. Rather than introducing a land-use plan as its goal, this was the first plan for the city that emphasized a set of strategies and propose d policies to achieve them. It identified the city‘s main problems as shortage of resources to deliver its services; the pace and pattern of urban growth; environmental pollution; the absence of effective public transport, and inefficient bureaucracy. The municipality‘s vision for the future of the city was then outlined to have six major c haracteristics: a clean city, ease of movement in the city, the creation of parks and green spaces, the development of
德黑兰的城市规划与发展
new cultural and sports facilities, reform of the municipal organization, and planning for the improvement of urban space, including preparation of comprehensive and detailed plans for land use and conservation (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 1996).
The municipality implemented part of the proposals, such as increasing the amount of green open spaces in the south, or constructing new parts of the motorway network, which was proposed by the 1968 plan; opening large parts of the city to new development, and easing movement across the city. Following the advice of the 1993 plan, the municipality relaxed FAR limits and allowed higher densities through bonus zoning. This, however, was not based on planning considerations, but was mainly to bring financial autonomy to the municipality. This proved to be popular with the development industry, but controversial with citizens. Developers could build taller buildings by paying fines to the municipality, in a policy popularly known as ??selling density‘‘, without having to show their impacts on the surrounding environment. The face of the city, particularly in its northern parts, was transformed in a short period, consisting of medium to high-rise buildings connected through wide streets and motorways. In the poorer south, a major redevelopment project, Navab, cut a motorway through the dense and decayed fabric, building gigantic superstructures on each side. The city‘s administrative boundaries were expanded twice, once outward and then westward, to encompass 22 district municipalities in 700 km2.
This controversial period of reconstruction was followed by a period of democratic reform, which re-launched an elected city council for the city, which at first caused institutional confusion about its relationship with the mayor and the municipality. The council published its own vision of the city as Tehran Charter in 2001, which was the summary of the principles agreed between council members, non-governmental organizations, and urban experts at a congress about the subject. The Charter adopted sustainability and democracy as its key principles, which were used to develop strategies for natural and built environments, transport, social, cultural and economic issues, urban management, and the city‘s regional, national and international roles (Shahrdari-e Tehran, 2004).
Currently, detailed plans are being prepared for the city‘s 22 districts, and work is unde r way on a strategic plan to link these detailed plans and to guide the future development of the city as a whole. Even though the city is more integrated and democratic than before and has a more coherent approach to planning (Hourcade, 2000), some authorities still see plans as isolated documents, rather than seeing planning as a continuous process. Land use plans are produced by private sector consultants for a specified period. The role of the municipality is merely implementation of these plans, rather than generating and revising them. New schemes for urban motorways and large-scale radical redevelopment of the central and decayed areas continue to be prepared and implemented. The last mayor, who was elected the president of the republic in 2005, was a civil engineer, putting road building schemes high on his agenda, even aiming to widen parts of the most beautiful boulevard in the city (Vali Asr) to ease traffic flows. Meanwhile, the city continues to suffer from acute social polarization, high land and property prices, heavy traffic congestion and some of the worst atmospheric pollution in the world, and remains unprepared for any serious earthquake.
Managing change in a metropolis
Leaving aside the earlier phases, the key urban planning stages in the 20th century (1930s, 1960s, 1990s) show some broad similarities: they mark the periods of relative economic and political strength, in which at once urban development flourishes and the government feels able enough to manage growth. Iran‘s oil econo my is so much integrated with the global economy that these periods parallel the international economic cycles and periods of urban development booms. These planning stages also
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show cyclical development pressure, cyclical attention to planning matters, within an overall move towards democratic urban governance, to sophistication of municipal organization and city planning approaches, which are nevertheless far behind the momentous process of urban growth and development. The main focus has remained management of physical development. Each phase, however, has added a new dimension to city planning: from design to regulation and policy development; each new approach adding to the complexity of the process, rather than replacing the previous approach.
The other feature they all share is their preference for redevelopment, which is the hallmark of a country with a young population caught in the fever of modernization, despite its upheavals and setbacks. Post-revolutionary governments claimed to revive many traditional forms and practices, as a reaction to radical modernization of the past. In relation to the built environment, however, they have shown strong modernist tendencies, with redevelopment remaining their favourite device, similar to previous generations. This is mainly due to the pressure for change that characterizes the modern history of Iran, as reflected in the advent of two revolutions, i.e., radical breaks from the past. It is also partly due to institutional continuity, whereby legal and institutional arrangements for urban planning remained almost intact, despite change of individuals, and despite structural changes at the higher levels of government after 1979. Also, the expert communities and their technocratic culture passed through the revolution without major internal changes, despite the flight of many professionals from the country.
Tehran‘ governance has been dominated by the central government. Although the municipality has grown in size and complexity, it is still under the shadow of government ministries, even after the launch of an elected city council and a degree of financial autonomy. It is only charged with implementing the plans, rather than preparing them; and yet it is expected to have financial autonomy, resulting in controversial ways of implementing or changing planning regulations. It is only charge d to manage its 22 districts, and yet the urban region covers 5 million inhabitants outside the city‘s boundaries. Without empowering the municipality to take full control of planning for its jurisdiction within a democratic and accountable framework, and to collaborate with other authorities in charge of the urban region, planning and management of the metropolis remain less than effective.
Conclusion
Teh ran‘s planning history shows early stages in which new infrastructure was designed and developed by the government as part of its strategy for modernization and growth management. The intensity of speculative development after the Second World War met the demands of the exponential growth of the city‘s population. This, however, needed to be controlled and regulated through a planning process, which produced Tehran‘s comprehensive plan of 1968. Within a decade, the revolution interrupted its implementation, and growth could only be managed through piecemeal efforts. The period of reconstruction in the 1990s relaxed some of the limits of the 1968 plan, which showed the urgent need for an updated planning framework. Several planning documents were launched in this period, which show a stronger role for the municipality and attention to policy development. Work on a strategic plan for the city continues today. These plans all have much that has remained unimplemented, although they have managed to some extent to steer the course of events and develop a more sophisticated approach to planning. And yet social and economic upheavals of the past three decades, the intensity of speculative development—especially since the Second World War—and the speed of events seem to have left the city authorities and citizens alike feeling trapped in a turmoil, lagging behind the events, and unable to manage change. The city continues to suffer from a range of problems, including traffic
德黑兰的城市规划与发展
congestion, environmental pollution, and unaffordable property prices.
德黑兰的城市规划与发展
摘要：德黑兰是世界上较大的城市之一，拥有居民人口1200万，都市人口约700万，本文主要介绍其规划和历代的发展，特别是自20世纪中期，在这个时期城市获得了其最显着的增长。这一历史进程的三个明确的阶段分别是：不同的城市规划设计和基础设施开发、土地利用规范发展、政策发展。
Elsevier Ltd版权所有，2006年。
关键字：（城市）规划，城市发展，伊朗城市
基础设施的设计的发展规划：基础增长
德黑兰规划的第一阶段是指第二次世界大战之前，至少有三个主要的成就为城市的成长和发展框架服务：城墙的城市（1550），扩大的寨城（1870），建设一个新的城市基础设施（1930）。他们都是以政府主导的能力和意愿来改变和塑造大规模的城市基建工程。
德黑兰是在一座在古老的城市Ray外的村庄，在该国的最高峰达马万德山的山脚，也在两个主要贸易公路交汇处：东西线连接丝绸之路和厄尔布尔士山脉和南北线连接里海和波斯湾南部边缘。这里数千年之前就有人居住，是11世纪时塞尔柱王朝的首都，但它在中世纪时期结束时衰弱了，那时德黑兰开始发展（Lockhart，1960）。
德黑兰第一次大规模的城市规划工作是1553年的一个市场和城墙，依照古代波斯的城市格局设计它的1个广场和4侧的大门建筑（Barthold，1984）。此设计成为随后其他发展的框架，并且对城市的成长有重大意义，最终在1785年被选定作为卡扎尔王朝（1779-1925）的首都。
在成为首都(空格)之后，因为从事贸易和服务的市民和士兵城市开始膨胀。德黑兰9世纪60年代人口由18世纪末的15000增长了10倍，现在（Ettehadieh，1983）古城墙外的居住居民有100万。该国的与英国和俄罗斯战争的失败推进了改革的进程，正在扩大到首都。因此德黑兰第二次大规模的城市规划工作做了容纳增长和引进现代化建设的改革。它开始于1868年，有12年之久，新的城墙建
本科毕业设计（外文翻译）
造了一个完美的12大门八角形形式的建筑，它们的管理和因此增长的税收比他们的防御作用价值更大。首都这些变化包括一个新的中央广场，新的街道，银行，技术学院，医院，电报房，酒店和欧洲风格的商店，这是根据一个英国观察员的德黑兰―双重复兴‖方案所建造的（Curzon，1892，第300页）。
1906年的宪政革命体现出城市的持续增长和现代化压力的加剧。现代直辖市成立于1910年，这改变了城市管理的旧体制。第一次世界大战结束后，巴列维王朝上台，这个王朝从1925年持续到1979年。新政权的重点放在世俗主义和民族主义，体现出来就是集中的管理，现代化的军队，扩大的官僚，运输网络的发展，全国性市场的区域一体化和重组城镇（Abrahamian，1982）。20世纪30年代普遍的道路拓宽计划，彻底摧毁了历史性的城市结构，使他们接触到汽车。因此，德黑兰经历了第三次主要的城市规划。19世纪70年代的城墙成为不断增长的城市的限制。到1932年，人口密度以每公顷105人的速度增加了一倍，并有三分之一的人口住在城墙外。除了人口压力和机动车辆，以政府的意愿来控制城市人口和城市基础设施的现代化导致了大量的资金改造，等待着其被―根本上重新规划和重新建造‖的到来。(Lockhart, 1939, 第11页). 新的林荫大道建立在被毁坏的城墙和护城河旁，是一个218公里的新道路交通网络的一部分。皇家城墙已经残缺不全，并被新的政府广场所取代;零售商被鼓励放弃旧的搬进新的街道。新的建筑和公建在全市兴起。旧街区蜿蜒的街道向新的街道网络变革，目的都是为了统一城市空间，克服传统派系的社会结构，缓解货物运输压力，服务于军事力量，加强市场经济和支持主力。这座城市变成一个开放的矩阵，这是进一步奠定现代化基础和为未来扩张做准备的重要一步。其直接结果是城市居民从1932年的31万增长至1941年的70万。
这些大规模的城市规划和发展的为德黑兰现代化做出了贡献，推进和进行着彻底的改变。在第一阶段运用了古老的波斯鲜明的形象和本地的专业知识，第二和第三阶段聘请主要来自法国和德国的专家运用欧洲派系的做法。这些早期的城市规划成就共同的特点是，他们都设想一个特别的新形式，通过城市环境的发展来实施（翻新）;他们都是在一个相对较短的时间内规划一系列形态上的改变。
19世纪下半叶的改革打开了城市的社会空间、新的经济和文化模式，并释放了离心力和辩证力，爆发了两次主要的革命。在经济上，城市开始被纳入世界市场作为周边的节点。市场经济沿着收入和财富线分隔城市，而新的文化断层线出现了对生活方式和对传统与现代的态度的分歧。以前并排住在老城区的富人和穷人，现在彼此分开在两极分化的城市里。此外，在新街区新街道广场，现代化设施很受欢迎，同时传统主义者继续生活和工作在这个城市的旧区。从那以后，这些经济和文化极化以及其相关的局势开始紧张，这是有伊朗特色的城市状况。
(完整版)城市规划文献翻译毕业设计论文
二○xx 届毕业设计 外文文献翻译
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文献综述城市规划 IMB standardization office【IMB 5AB- IMBK 08- IMB 2C】
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毕业论文外文翻译模版
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气候学知识在城市规划中的应用大学毕业论文外文文献翻译
毕业设计（论文）外文文献翻译 文献、资料中文题目：气候学知识在城市规划中的应用文献、资料英文题目： 文献、资料来源： 文献、资料发表（出版）日期： 院（部）： 专业： 班级： 姓名： 学号： 指导教师： 翻译日期： 2017.02.14
气候学知识在城市规划中的应用 埃利亚松Ingegaè编写 哥德堡大学气候学在自然地理学、地球科学研究中心 瑞典哥德堡Box 460，S-405,30 收稿于1999年7月19日，修稿于1999年11月1日，发行于1999年11月23日 摘要 城市景观创造的气候会反过来影响城市，这是一既成事实；例如：人类的舒适性，空气质量以及能量消耗。然而尽管理论上如此，人们往往认为气象因素对于城市规划实施的实际操作影响很小。其原因是一重要的课题，因为答案要求之于气候学家，规划者和规划过程中。目前研究的主要目标旨在探讨如何以及何时使用气候变化知识在城市化过程中。该研究策略是由跨学科研究团体及气候学家和规划者策划的。案例研究包括不同的采访技巧以及历史数据，这是由在瑞典的三个直辖市从事城市规划工作的各种参与者提供的。研究表明，城市规划者对气候方面较感兴趣，但对气象信息的使用却是杂乱无章，从而结果得出气候学对城市规划影响较低。低冲击是由于几个可能与五个解释变量：概念和基于知识、技术、政策、组织和市场有关。这次讨论提出了某些方面的一些关键的结论,旨在解决这些限制。城市气候学家满足规划者需求驱动的需要提供好的参数,合适的方法和工具是很重要的。城市气候学家也鼓励规划者、决策者和公众提高对城市气候重要性的认识。然而,随着规划是一项政治活动并非总是基于甚至关系到科学知识,一些确定的约束只能通过中和在社会环境的规划制度能力的改善。 关键词:城市气候;城市结构;土地利用;环境规划 1、介绍 1.1、城市气候——简短背景 城市景观为当地创造了一个不同于周围的乡村景观的气候。最证据确凿的是城市热岛效应，研究表明城乡在晴朗和平静的夜晚存在12℃的温差（奥科；1981）。然而城市土地利用变化常常与由一个温暖与寒冷地区拼接的独特的城市土地利用的变化作比较；例如，在公园和建筑物周围能产生的内部城市温度差异高达7℃（斯普瑞肯?史密斯、奥科；1998）。街道几何也是非常重要的城市温度场。天空视角系数（SVF），图1已表明城市温度与其表面温度有关，而不是空气温度(Baè rring et al., 1985;Eliasson, 1992, 1994)。然而对于一个城市的平均SVF已被证明不同城市与最大城市热岛(空气温度)有良好的相关性(Oke, 1981; Park, 1987)。城市中的物质（沥青、砖块、玻璃等）的热特性不同于与在农村发现的物质（树、草、裸露的土壤等）。一般来说，建筑材料在城市中的运用会通过它们储存热量的特性来加剧城市的热岛效应。奥科认为材料和结构的多样性同样是热岛效应的两个主要原因。其他一
毕业论文 外文翻译#(精选.)
毕业论文（设计）外文翻译 题目：中国上市公司偏好股权融资：非制度性因素 系部名称：经济管理系专业班级:会计082班 学生姓名：任民学号： 200880444228 指导教师：冯银波教师职称:讲师 年月日
译文： 中国上市公司偏好股权融资：非制度性因素 国际商业管理杂志 2009.10 摘要：本文把重点集中于中国上市公司的融资活动，运用西方融资理论，从非制度性因素方面，如融资成本、企业资产类型和质量、盈利能力、行业因素、股权结构因素、财务管理水平和社会文化，分析了中国上市公司倾向于股权融资的原因，并得出结论，股权融资偏好是上市公司根据中国融资环境的一种合理的选择。最后，针对公司的股权融资偏好提出了一些简明的建议。 关键词：股权融资，非制度性因素，融资成本 一、前言 中国上市公司偏好于股权融资，根据中国证券报的数据显示，1997年上市公司在资本市场的融资金额为95.87亿美元，其中股票融资的比例是72.5％，，在1998年和1999年比例分别为72.6％和72.3％，另一方面，债券融资的比例分别是17.8％，24.9％和25.1％。在这三年，股票融资的比例，在比中国发达的资本市场中却在下跌。以美国为例，当美国企业需要的资金在资本市场上，于股权融资相比他们宁愿选择债券融资。统计数据显示，从1970年到1985年，美日企业债券融资占了境外融资的91.7％，比股权融资高很多。阎达五等发现，大约中国3/4的上市公司偏好于股权融资。许多研究的学者认为，上市公司按以下顺序进行外部融资：第一个是股票基金，第二个是可转换债券，三是短期债务，最后一个是长期负债。许多研究人员通常分析我国上市公司偏好股权是由于我们国家的经济改革所带来的制度性因素。他们认为，上市公司的融资活动违背了西方古典融资理论只是因为那些制度性原因。例如，优序融资理论认为，当企业需要资金时，他们首先应该转向内部资金（折旧和留存收益），然后再进行债权融资，最后的选择是股票融资。在这篇文章中，笔者认为，这是因为具体的金融环境激活了企业的这种偏好，并结合了非制度性因素和西方金融理论，尝试解释股权融资偏好的原因。
电子信息工程专业毕业论文外文翻译中英文对照翻译
本科毕业设计（论文）中英文对照翻译 院（系部）电气工程与自动化 专业名称电子信息工程 年级班级 04级7班 学生姓名 指导老师
Infrared Remote Control System Abstract Red outside data correspondence the technique be currently within the scope of world drive extensive usage of a kind of wireless conjunction technique,drive numerous hardware and software platform support. Red outside the transceiver product have cost low, small scaled turn, the baud rate be quick, point to point SSL, be free from electromagnetism thousand Raos etc.characteristics, can realization information at dissimilarity of the product fast, convenience, safely exchange and transmission, at short distance wireless deliver aspect to own very obvious of advantage.Along with red outside the data deliver a technique more and more mature, the cost descend, red outside the transceiver necessarily will get at the short distance communication realm more extensive of application. The purpose that design this system is transmit cu stomer’s operation information with infrared rays for transmit media, then demodulate original signal with receive circuit. It use coding chip to modulate signal and use decoding chip to demodulate signal. The coding chip is PT2262 and decoding chip is PT2272. Both chips are made in Taiwan. Main work principle is that we provide to input the information for the PT2262 with coding keyboard. The input information was coded by PT2262 and loading to high frequent load wave whose frequent is 38 kHz, then modulate infrared transmit dioxide and radiate space outside when it attian enough power. The receive circuit receive the signal and demodulate original information. The original signal was decoded by PT2272, so as to drive some circuit to accomplish
本科毕业设计(论文)外文翻译基本规范
本科毕业设计（论文）外文翻译基本规范 一、要求 1、与毕业论文分开单独成文。 2、两篇文献。 二、基本格式 1、文献应以英、美等国家公开发表的文献为主（Journals from English speaking countries）。 2、毕业论文翻译是相对独立的，其中应该包括题目、作者（可以不翻译）、译文的出处（杂志的名称）（5号宋体、写在文稿左上角）、关键词、摘要、前言、正文、总结等几个部分。 3、文献翻译的字体、字号、序号等应与毕业论文格式要求完全一致。 4、文中所有的图表、致谢及参考文献均可以略去，但在文献翻译的末页标注：图表、致谢及参考文献已略去(见原文)。（空一行，字体同正文） 5、原文中出现的专用名词及人名、地名、参考文献可不翻译，并同原文一样在正文中标明出处。 二、毕业论文（设计）外文翻译 （一）毕业论文（设计）外文翻译的内容要求 外文翻译内容必须与所选课题相关，外文原文不少于6000个印刷符号。译文末尾要用外文注明外文原文出处。 原文出处：期刊类文献书写方法：[序号]作者（不超过3人，多者用等或et al表示）.题（篇）名[J].刊名（版本）,出版年，卷次（期次）：起止页次. 原文出处：图书类文献书写方法：[序号]作者.书名[M].版本.出版地：出版者,出版年.起止页次. 原文出处：论文集类文献书写方法：[序号]作者.篇名[A].编著者.论文集名[C]. 出版地：出版者，出版年.起止页次。 要求有外文原文复印件。 （二）毕业论文（设计）外文翻译的撰写与装订的格式规范 第一部分：封面
1.封面格式:见“毕业论文（设计）外文翻译封面”。普通A4纸打印即可。 第二部分：外文翻译主题 1.标题 一级标题，三号字，宋体，顶格，加粗 二级标题，四号字，宋体，顶格，加粗 三级标题，小四号字，宋体，顶格，加粗 2.正文 小四号字，宋体。 第三部分：版面要求 论文开本大小：210mm×297mm（A4纸） 版芯要求：左边距：25mm，右边距：25mm，上边距：30mm，下边距：25mm，页眉边距：23mm，页脚边 距：18mm 字符间距：标准 行距：1.25倍 页眉页角：页眉的奇数页书写—浙江师范大学学士学位论文外文翻译。页眉的偶数页书写—外文翻译 题目。在每页底部居中加页码。（宋体、五号、居中） 装订顺序是：封皮、中文翻译、英文原文复印件。