美国总统肯尼迪就职演说的概述

美国总统肯尼迪就职演说的概述

篇一：美国总统肯尼迪的就职演说

美国总统肯尼迪和他的就职演说

(20XX-01-2022:04:30)姚鸿恩

今天（20日）英文谷歌的涂鸦（doodle）是为了纪念前美国总统肯尼迪就职演说50周年

（commemoratingthe50thanniversaryofformerPresidentJohnF.Kennedy& #39;sinauguraladdress）。50年前美国总统肯尼迪就职演说中的名言，至今令人难忘：

我的美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你做什么，而要问你能为国家做什么

（myfellowamericans:asknotwhatyourcountrycandoforyou-askwhatyouca ndoforyourcountry）。

全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么（myfellowcitizensoftheworld:asknotwhatamericawilldoforyou,butwhatt ogetherwecandoforthefreedomofman）。

肯尼迪是美国有史以来最年轻的总统，就职时年仅43岁。他言谈风趣，富有魅力。他上任时，正是局势动乱的年头。但他给美国民众带来了极大的希望和勇气。不幸，1963年11月22日遇刺身亡。肯尼

迪任职期间，极其关注美国的弱势群体，关注他们平等、自由的权利。1963年8月28日，超过25万的抗议者从四面八方汇集到首都华盛顿，要求得到平等的工作权益和自由。在林肯纪念堂的台阶上，马丁-路德-金发表了著名的演说《我有一个梦想》。

马丁-路德-金领导的民权运动，促使美国国会通过了《1964民权法案》（civilRightsactof1964），1964年7月2日颁布生效。法案规定：美国境内不得进行种族隔离，歧视黑人、少数族裔和妇女，都是违法的。弱势群体从此得到了有尊严地生活的法律保障。

而这个法案，正是肯尼迪在1963年6月11日的民权演说中呼吁要建立的法案（ThebillwascalledforbyPresidentJohnF.Kennedyinhiscivilrightsspeechof June11,1963）。随后，就发生了8月28日的示威游行。

可以说，若没有总统的呼吁倡导和支持，美国民权运动不会那么迅速地取得里程碑式的胜利。

附：肯尼迪就职演说全文（据网络来源编辑）

篇二：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日）inauguraladdressofJohnF.KennedyJanuary20,1961 VicePresidentJohnson,mr.Speaker,mr.chiefJustice,President Eisenhower,VicePresidentnixon,PresidentTruman,Reverendclergy,fellowc itizens:

约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克

松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：weobservetodaynotavictoryofpartybutacelebrationoffreedom,symbolizing anendaswellasabeginning,signifyingrenewalaswellaschange.Forihaveswor nbeforeyouandalmightyGodthesamesolemnoathourforebearsprescribedne arlyacenturyandthree-quartersago.

我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。Theworldisverydifferentnow.Formanholdsinhismortalhandsthepowertoab olishallformsofhumanpovertyandallformsofhumanlife.andyetthesamerevo lutionarybeliefsforwhichourforebearsfoughtarestillatissuearoundtheglobe--thebeliefthattherightsofmancomenotfromthegenerosityofthestatebutfromt hehandofGod.世界已然今非昔比，因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困，亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而，我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是，每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予，而是出自上帝之手。wedarenotforgettodaythatwearetheheirsofthatfirstrevolution.Letthewordg oforthfromthistimeandplace,tofriendandfoealike,thatthetorchhasbeenpasse dtoanewgenerationofamericans--borninthiscentury,temperedbywar,discipl inedbyahardandbitterpeace,proudofourancientheritage--andunwillingtowit nessorpermittheslowundoingofthosehumanrightstowhichthisnationhasalw

aysbeencommitted,andtowhichwearecommittedtodayathomeandaroundth eworld.

今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时，让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀，这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝，亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。Leteverynationknow,whetheritwishesuswellorill,thatweshallpayanyprice, bearanyburden,meetanyhardship,supportanyfriend,opposeanyfoetoassuret hesurvivalandthesuccessofliberty.

让每一个国家都知道，无论它们对我们抱有善意还是恶意，我们都准备付出任何代价、承受任何重任、迎战任何艰险、支持任何朋友、反对任何敌人，以使自由得以维系和胜利。Thismuchwepledge--andmore. 这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！Tothoseoldallieswhoseculturalandspiritualoriginsweshare,wepledgetheloy altyoffaithfulfriends.Unitedthereislittlewecannotdoinahostofcooperativev entures.dividedthereislittlewecando,forwedarenotmeetapowerfulchallenge atoddsandsplitasunder.对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。在许许多多的合作事业中，我们会尽己所能以促进我们的团结，而决不故意制造分裂，因为我们不敢轻易面对由分歧或体系崩溃而导致的巨大挑战。

Tothosenewstateswhomwewelcometotheranksofthefree,wepledgeourword thatoneformofcolonialcontrolshallnothavepassedawaymerelytobereplaced byafarmoreirontyranny.weshallnotalwaysexpecttofindthemsupportingour view.Butweshallalwayshopetofindthemstronglysupportingtheirownfreedo m--andto

rememberthat,inthepast,thosewhofoolishlysoughtpowerbyridingthebackof thetigerendedupinside.

对于那些新成立的国家，我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营，并在此许以忠告：某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。我们不会期待他们始终支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们能始终坚定地维护他们自己的自由——并且牢记，在过去，那些愚蠢地骑上独裁的虎背以谋求权力的人最终都以葬身虎腹而告终。Tothosepeopleinthehutsandvillagesofhalftheglobestrugglingtobreakthebon dsofmassmisery,wepledgeourbesteffortstohelpthemhelpthemselves,forwh ateverperiodisrequired--notbecausethecommunistsmaybedoingit,notbecau seweseektheirvotes,butbecauseitisright.

对于那些寄居于大半个地球上的草舍村落、为着挣脱无尽苦难的枷锁而奋斗的人民，我们承诺将尽我们最大的努力，以使他们获得自助的能力。因为这是时代对我们提出的要求——不是因为共～产～党人可能如此行事、不是因为我们需要他们的选票，仅仅是因为这样做是正当的。

ifafreesocietycannothelpthemanywhoarepoor,itcannotsavethefewwhoareri

ch.

如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的多数，它就不能拯救那富裕的少数。

Tooursisterrepublicssouthofourborder,weofferaspecialpledge:toconvertour goodwordsintogooddeeds,inanewallianceforprogress,toassistfreemenandfr eegovernmentsincastingoffthechainsofpoverty.Butthispeacefulrevolutiono fhopecannotbecomethepreyofhostilepowers.Letallourneighborsknowthat weshalljoinwiththemtoopposeaggressionorsubversionanywhereintheameri cas.

对于我们的南部邻邦共和国，我们许以特殊的承诺：将我们的良言转为善行，在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里，帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。但这一希翼中的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品，让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们一道，反对发生在美洲任何地区的侵略和颠覆。andleteveryotherpowerknowthatthishemisphereintendstoremainthemaster ofitsownhouse.

让所有其他势力都知道，这一半球的人民致力于维护他们作为自己家园主人的地位。

Tothatworldassemblyofsovereignstates,theUnitednations,ourlastbesthopei nanagewheretheinstrumentsofwarhavefaroutpacedtheinstrumentsofpeace, werenewourpledgeofsupport--topreventitfrombecomingmerelyaforumfori nvective,tostrengthenitsshieldofthenewandtheweak,andtoenlargetheareain

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美国第30任总统 卡尔文·柯立芝就职演说

就职演说 1925年3月4日同胞们： 在考察当前形势时，任何人都不难看到，令人满意的东西实在很多，而鼓舞人心之处则更是不可胜记。我国正在全世界率先进行那场巨大冲突①之后的全面重建工作。今后数年内，我们将背负许多重担，同时也必须准备在某些时候承受那些次要而间接的后果。但目前我们正开始更确切地考虑，我们应当遵循何种方针，应当运用何种补救措施，应当采取什么行动以解决自己的问题；而且我们正清楚地表明我们意志坚定，决心忠实而自觉地实施这些扶危济困的措施。由于我们在内政方面已进行了充分调整，②因而信心得到恢复，商业得以复兴，全国各地正在逐步进入一个繁荣的时期。同时我们也意识到，我们不能孤立地生存下去，因而我们提供了财力和建议，以帮助欧洲各国解除困苦和平息争端。①因为美国过去所取得的成就和目前的现状，全人类便具有了更为坚定的勇气和更为崇高的愿望，不觉精神为之一振。 ①指第一次世界大战（1914—1918）。 ②第一次世界大战结束后，共和党政府即着手结束战时政策，解除对企业的过分干涉，任其自由发展，同时采取措施刺激农业生产，国内经济开始走向策荣。 ①1924年4月美国国会通过关于德国赔款同题的“道斯计划”，规定向德国贷款两亿美元以刺激其经济复兴，提高其赔款能力，从而有助于缓和法国、比利时等国因德国不能按时赔款而占领德国鲁尔地区所引起的紧张局势。 这些成果并不纯粹是机遇的产物。它们的取得，乃是许多人不断努力、开动脑筋和付出重大牺牲的结果。我们必须继续向过去学习，否则在将来就不能保持这些辉煌的成就。我们若要讲求治国之道，就必须坚持不懈地运用我国以往处理内政外交的经验。我们如想建立新的大厦，就必须透彻了解原有的基础。我们应当认识到，人类的本性大体上乃是宇宙中最为恒久的事物，人类关系的本．质也不会发生变化。我们想保持正确方向，就必须时常根据政治天空中这些固定的星座来确定自己的方位。我们如能仔细审视已做的工作，就可以精确地决定今后能做些什么。 我们的国家意识通过争取独立的军事行动得以首次明确无误地显示出来，迄今已有一百五十年了，②我们现在正处于这第一百五十个年头的开端。过去那种分裂和从属的殖民地情感业已消失，代之而起的是一种团结而独立的国家情感。人们开始摒弃地方宪章的狭隘限制，转而寻求全国性宪法所提供的广阔机会。③在自由精神的不断激励之下，我们成为一个独立的国家。将近五十年之后，我们向全世界重申了自己的这种自由和独立，并通过门罗主义而加以捍卫、支持和提供保障。①美国的国土一度不过是大西洋海岸地区的狭长地带，但后来其边疆不断推移，越过横隔大陆的山脉和平原，一直延伸到太平洋那黄金般的海岸。②我们使自由成为一种与生俱来的权利。我们为保障自己的利益，将领土扩展到遥远的岛屿，③并且承担随之而来的责任，赋予那里的不幸人民以正义和自由。为了捍卫我们自己的理想，同时也为了自由这一具有普遍意义的事业，我们参加了世界大战。④待到赢得全面胜利，我们便将军队撤回本土，除了因为已尽义务而心安理得之外，并未索取任何补偿。 ②1775年北美殖民地开始反抗英国统治的独立战争，至1925年已有一百五十周年了。 ③1776年相继宣布独立的各州均制定了各自的宪法，各州自行其是，相互联系松散，而邦联政府也软弱无力。1787年制定联邦宪法，组成一个较强大的全国政府，使美国获得了更好的发展条件。参见本书第4页注释②和第11页注释②。 ①1823年12月第五任总统詹姆斯·门罗提出“门罗主义”，反对欧洲把美洲当做殖民的对象，此时美国宣布独立已有四十七年。参见本书第54页注释③。

从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨排比在演说词中的使用

摘要：就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势，很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象，对排比的大量使用进行分析，旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势，使演说的逻辑更加清晰，同时也增强了演说者的感召力，增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词：就职演说词；演讲；排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题，既不同于日常谈话，也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合，由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情，获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动，因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时，有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长，弃口语松散杂乱之短；既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风，又不失口语生动感人之韵，使人听来感到铿锵悦耳，感情充沛，极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众，并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待，总统治国理想，对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析，施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明，大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见，一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料，以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析，揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力，以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比（parallelism）是一种修辞手法，它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近，结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组（主谓/动宾）或句子并排，达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases （Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986）.这种结构的大量运用，使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整，在语篇上更具气势，在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中，每一位总统的就职演说词，都依据各自不同的政治目的，而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法，以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初，国家建设时期的就职演讲中，排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷，鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们，让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱，如果没有这些，自由，甚至生活本身都会索然寡味，让我们再想一想，我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上，如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容，其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿，那么我们必将无所收获。……因此，让我们以勇气和信心，迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则，拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列，从团结到和睦如初，到想一想，最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则，把团结置于首位，加强了感情联络，产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期，林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念，给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中，强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性，突出了国家宪法高于一切，人民的利益是以宪法为保障，一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据，因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代，富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中，排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心；他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

摘要：肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国 总统就职演说之一，引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域，从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域，进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征，加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果，而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。 关键词：就职演说；语域特征；语域分析 一．引言 历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出，表现在其时间的固定性（一月二十日）、地点的固定性（白宫）、演说者身份的固定性（当选为美国总统的人）、听众的固定性（美国民众和世界各国）、内容的相似性（施政纲领、国内国际形势等）。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果，因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰??菲茨杰拉德?肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上，均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域，鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析，从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点，一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果，另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。 二．文献回顾 语域是语言学中的一个重要概念，它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基（Malinowski）把语境分为三类：话语语境（context of utterance）、文化语境（context of culture）和情景语境（context of situation）。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合，并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域（register）定义为“语言的功能变体”（functional variety of language）,即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分：语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）。 国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表，而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行，对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄，其后，一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义，认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法，强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助，在英语写作中我们不能一概而论，单纯教学生模仿或套用，或者教词汇和语法，改错句，而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征，能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义，

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说

First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure

美国历届总统的顺序

美国历届总统的顺序 1 乔治·华盛顿(George Washington) 1789年－1797年开国总统 2 约翰·亚当斯(John Adams) 联邦党1797年－1801年人称「老亚当斯」，儿子是第6任美国总统，和儿子是为美国历史上第一对父子档总统。 3 托玛斯·杰弗逊(Thomas Jefferson) 民主共和党1801年－1809年 4 詹姆斯·麦迪逊(James Madison) 民主共和党1809年－1817年 5 詹姆斯·门罗(James Monroe) 民主共和党1817年－1825年 6 约翰·昆西·亚当斯(John Quincy Adams) 民主共和党1825年－1829年人称「小亚当斯」，父亲是第2任美国总统，和父亲是为美国历史上第一对父子档总统。 7 安德鲁·杰克逊(Adrew Jackson) 民主党1829年－1837年 8 马丁·范布伦(Martin Van Buren) 民主党1837年－1841年 9 威廉·亨利·哈里森(William Henry Harrison) 辉格党1841年上任一个月后便死在任期内，其孙是第23任美国总统。 10 约翰·泰勒(John Tyler) 辉格党1841年－1845年第一个由副总统接任总统的人 11 詹姆斯·诺克斯·波尔克(James Knox Polk) 民主党1845年－1849年 12 扎卡里·泰勒(Zachary Taylor) 辉格党1849年－1850年死于任内 13 米勒德·菲尔莫尔(Millard Fillmore) 辉格党1850年－1853年 14 福兰克林·皮尔斯(Franklin Pierce) 民主党1853年－1857年 15 詹姆斯·布坎南(James Buchanan) 民主党1857年－1861年 16 亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln) 共和党1861年－1865年在任内被暗杀致死 17 安德鲁·约翰逊(Andrew Johnson) 民主党1865年－1869年任内曾遭国会的弹劾动议，以一票之差没有通过 18 尤里西斯·辛普森·格兰特(Ulysses Simpson Grant) 共和党1869年－1877年 19 拉瑟福德·B·海斯(Rutherford B. Hays) 共和党1877年－1881年 20 詹姆斯·加菲尔德(James Garfield) 共和党1881年上任半年后被暗杀，死于任内 21 切斯特·A·阿瑟(Chester A. Arthur) 共和党1881年－1885年 22 格罗弗·克利夫兰(Stephen Grover Cleveland) 民主党1885年－1889年 23 本杰明·哈里森(Benjemin Harrison) 共和党1889年－1893年祖父是第9任美国总统