特朗普经济学与中美贸易失衡外文文献翻译

特朗普经济学与中美贸易失衡中英文

英文

Trump economics and China–US trade imbalances

Justin YifuLin

1. Introduction

The trade deficit of the Unites States, as shown in Fig, expanded from around zero before mid-1970s to peak in 2006 at $761 billion, which was around 5% of the US GDP. The trade deficit of goods was even larger, peaking at $837 billion in 2006. Though this value decreased after the 2008 global financial crisis, it was still at a remarkably high level as $752 billion in 2016. The trade imbalances between US and Japan and other industrialized economies contributed most to the rising US trade deficits before the 1980s, while in recent years the US runs deficits mainly against emerging Asian economies and oil-producing economies. President Trump argues that the US trade deficit was caused by unfavorable trade agreements against the US and pledges to eliminate them by bilateral renegotiations or unilateral actions.

The US–China trade imbalance has been a prime concern of President Trump ever since his election campaign in 2015. The official data provided by the US Census Bureau shows that China, the emerging major player in the process of globalization, has been running a trade surplus with the US since 1984. China’s trade balance with the US

increased from a trade surplus of $0.06 billion in 1985 to a trade surplus of $347.02 billion in 2016, which represented 44% of US trade deficit in that year. This large imbalance has caused considerable pressure on the US–China trade relations. One major concern is the impacts of imports from China on US domestic employment. One highly cited work by Autor, Dorn, and Hanson (2013) shows that the exposure to imports from China had negative impacts on US’s manufacturing employment. President Trump pledged in his election campaign to impose 45% border tax on imports from China as a measure to reduce the US–China trade imbalances and to retain jobs in the US.

Would imposing draconian tariffs on imports from China help reduce US total trade deficit? Would the reduction of US trade deficit with China bring manufacturing jobs back to the US? The answer to these questions depends on what cause the persistent trade imbalances.

The causes of rising US trade deficit have been discussed intensively. Existing literature provides theoretical and empirical support for several key factors, such as the lack of investment opportunities in emerging economies, undervalued exchange rates against the US dollar to the currencies of several emerging economies, the increase in the price of the primary commodities and the over-consumption caused by financial deregulation and supported by US dollar as a major global reserve currency.

This paper focuses specifically on trade imbalances between the US and China and investigates how China’s comparative advantage in the labor-intensive manufacturing activities, combined with the global production sharing across economies with China as the assembly hub, works as the major source of the increasing bilateral trade imbalances between US and China. In particular, this paper first analyzes the bilateral trade patterns between US and its main trading partners and finds that East Asia is traditionally the main source of US’s trade deficits. The paper further finds a declining share of US–East Asia trade imbalances in US total trade deficit during the period when the US–China trade imbalances was rising. It also reveals negative correlation between US trade deficit with China and China with some other East Asian economies. Based on these findings, our paper attributes the sharp increase in US–China trade imbalances to the reallocation of labor-intensive production activities from Japan and Asian newly industrialized economies (NIEs), namely South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, China, to China, epitomized by the US’s dramati c expansion of overall trade deficit.

The US–China trade imbalances were also exacerbated by the production sharing across borders in East Asia with China as the assembly hub. A growing strand of literature considers the value-added contents as an indicator for international production fragmentation and a more objective assessment of the relative distribution of economic

benefits from trade between two trading partner economies (Daudin, Rifflart, & Schweisguth, 2011; Hummels, Ishii, & Yi, 2001; Johnson & Noguera, 2012). The idea of value-added contents of trade is based on models of sequential multi-stage production with stages split across economies. With flows of final products and intermediates co-existing, production fragmentation across economies generates discrepancy between gross and value-added trade flows. Traditionally, the focus of public interest is on the bilateral trade balance. However, with trade flows of intermediates across economies, the value of gross exports might overestimate the domestic economic benefits of exports to the exporting country and ignores the indirect impacts from other economies. Therefore, in addition to the bilateral trade balance, this paper carefully discusses patterns of bilateral trade flows measured in value-added contents, with data in Johnson and Noguera (2012) and Johnson (2014).

Moreover, given that the difference in comparative advantages across economies is one of the main incentives of global production sharing, this paper examines the bilateral trade balances at the sector level. The results show that only in sectors that China has comparative advantages there is persistent bilateral trade imbalance between China and US. In addition, other economies that has low labor costs share the same trade pattern as that of China. We argue that the root of US trade deficit is not China’s exchange rate policy and other trade manipulations

as President Trump pledged. Therefore, raising trade barriers for China’s imports to the US will not help mitigate the US total trade deficits.

This paper is organized as follows. In Section 2, we review several explanations for US trade deficits. Sector 3 presents the current status of the total US–China trade imbalances, and we further examine its domestic value-added contents in Section 4. In Section 5 we conduct our analysis by sectors and apply the analysis to other economies. We also discuss the evolution of China’s comparative advantages in the low-wage labor intensive sector. Section 6 concludes.

2. Main explanations for US trade deficits in existing literature

The causes of US trade deficits have been extensively discussed. In this section, we will review several main strands of existing literature. The first strand of literature considers the trade imbalances as the results of econ omic distortions rather than an “equilibrium” phenomenon. Therefore, the trade imbalances could only be resolved with policy adjustments. For example, a series papers by Obstfeld and Rogoff, 2000, Obstfeld and Rogoff, 2005 and Rogoff (2006) discuss the changes in exchange rate that are required to reduce the imbalances.

The second strand of literature considering global imbalances as an “equilibrium” condition, marked with the hypothesis of a global “saving-glut” proposed by Bernanke (2005). Different explanations of the “saving glut” have been raised. Caballero, Farhi, and Gourinchas (2008),

for example, develops a model with heterogeneity across economies in their ability to supply safe assets. Mendoza, Quadrini, and Rios-Rull (2009) also focuses on the different levels of financial development, but emphasizes heterogeneity in the demand of assets and their model predicts increased financial integration raises foreign demand for US assets. Fogli and Perri (2010) explore the impacts of time varying macro risk, while several papers consider demographic heterogeneity as one reason for the emergence of external imbalances, such as Henriksen (2002), Cooper (2008), and Du and Wei (2010).

Other explanations for global imbalances include the anticipation of a rising U.S. future share in world output, trade channels, productivity growth in the non-traded sector, measurement error, the asset price boom of the late nineties (Laibson & Mollerstrom, 2010), etc.

In other study, Lin (2013) has reviewed the above explanations and argued that the deterioration of US trade deficits after the mid-1970s is caused primarily by the US household’s overconsumption as a result of the wealth effect from rising asset value due to financial deregulation and the expansionary monetary policy, which in turn were made possible by the delink of US dollar to gold in 1971. Moreover, the only reason for the US to be able to sustain such a large and rising trade deficits for several decades is the status of US dollar as a major global reserve currency.

In this paper we focus particularly on the US–China trade

imbalances. Unlike the cases in which economic reasons are employed to explain US trade deficit with Japan and the oil exporting economies, China and other East Asian economies have been blamed, by some researchers and politicians, to manipulate the exchange rate to promote net exports and use this as the main components of export-led growthdevelopment strategy. In this paper, we will show that the US traditionally has a trade deficit with the East Asian economies due to the differences in comparative advantages between the US and East Asian economies and the rising bilateral trade imbalances between the US and China is a result of reallocation of production from Asia’s NIEs to China due to the evolution of comparative advantages over time. The US has trade imbalance with East Asian economies traditionally. While China’s trade imbalance with US increased sharply after the 1990s, the share of US’s trade imbalance with East Asian economies as a gro up declined in the same period. The facts suggest that the US’s worsening of trade deficits in general and trade imbalance with China in specific are most likely to be a result of US’s own internal reasons.

3. Current status of US–China trade imbalance

Since the official estimates of the same bilateral trade deficit often differs across trading partners, we only employ the trade values reported by importers as described in Feenstra, Lipsey, Deng, Ma, & Mo (2005) for the following analysis. present the main reasons that make

China almost the sole concern among all economies with trade surplus with US. First, there has been continuous dramatic increases in the trade surplus of China for more than three decades while the trade imbalances of the main trading partners of US were much more stable since 1985. Japan’s trade surplus, for example, was $103 billion in 1985 and $110 billion in 2016. This increase was much lower than the case of China, from ?$16 billion in 1985 to $608 billion in 2016. In addition, US’s trade deficit with China accounts for the major part of its total trade deficit in recent years. In 2016, 44% of US total trade deficit was with China, while this value was only 0.3% in 1985.

However, these facts provide little evidence to support the idea that imposing high trade barriers for imports from China could help reduce US total trade deficit. A closer examination of the contribution of East Asian economies to US trade deficit reveals more evidence. There are two main messages from Panel B. First, as argued in Lin, Dinh, & Im (2010) US began to accumulate trade deficit long before the start of China’s trade surplus. US has had large trade deficit with East Asian as a whole before the rising of China’s exports since the 1990s. The pattern of East Asi an’s contribution to US trade deficit has been relatively stable during the past three decades, except for the peak in the 90s. Moreover, although the contribution of China to US trade deficit increases dramatically since 1990, the total share of trade surplus of East Asian

economies4 in US total trade deficit declined from over 100% in early 1990s and 83.3% in 1995 to 63.1% in 2016. It implicates that the policies in China and East Asian economies were not the main reason for the US trade deficits and the increase in US–China trade deficit is associated with the reallocation of production activities across East Asian economies.

The international reallocation of production activities, mainly labor-intensive activities, has been discussed in the literature under the term of “fly-geese”. The flying-geese theory (Akamatsu, 1962), as discussed in Kojima (2000) and its empirical work, mainly examine the sequential economic development in all “high-performing Asian economies” (HPEAs), which “trickled down from Japa n, to the NIEs, and then to ASEAN-4 (Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines), and China” (Cutler, Berri, & Ozawa, 2003). Japan was the first Asian country that experienced a dramatic structural transformation with expansion in its labor-intensive manufacturing sector and exports to the US after WWII. While its wage increased in the latter half of the 1960s, the labor-intensive manufacturing shifted to South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, China. These production activities mirgrated again to the ASEAN-4 and China in 1980s, with 1990s as the peak time of FDI inflows to China (Chandra, Lin, & Wang, 2013; Lin, 2012, Lin, 2013).

Inspired by the literature on the flying-geese-style economic

development, we further examine the correlation among changes in the bilateral trade flows across economies. If our argument of production reallocation holds, increases in China’s trade surplus with US should be accompanied by increases in China’s trade deficit (or decreases in trade surplus) with South Korea and Taiwan, China after 1980s. The fitted lines in two graphs in Fig are both downward sloping, indicating a negative correlation between China’s trade imbalance with US and China’s trade imbalances with South Korea, as well as the one between China–US trade imbalances and China–Taiwan, China trade imbalances. In addition, China started to hold trade deficit with both South Korea and Taiwan, China after around 1990. This is also the start of the dramatic increase of China’s trade surplus with US. The ti ming pattern fits well with empirical evidence in the fly-geese style economic development literature.

Since Japan finished its structural change and production reallocation before 1980. However, this graph is still consistent with the fly-geese story since the China–Japan trade grew in favor of Japan until 1990. In addition, if we divided the time of our concern into two periods, we see that before 2000, there existed a positive correlation between China’s net trade with Japan and with US, while this patte rn was reversed after 2001.

Actually the “triangular production sharing within Asia” has been

discussed in several papers. Johnson and Noguera (2012), for instance, finds that the adjustments of trade balances in Australia, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan, China nearly add up to the changes in the US–China deficit. The production fragmentation and sharing implies the possibility that large part of China’s exports to the US were intermediates that China imported from these economies.

4. Value added content of US–China trade imbalance

To find further support for production fragmentation, we next check the value-added share of exports in each economy as an indicator of the intensity of production sharing in the production network, as discussed by Johnson and Noguera (2012). When there exists production fragmentation, firms locate their production affiliation according to the comparative advantage in each country over the world. It helps firms reduce costs and gain more profits. In this case, what matters for the impacts of trade on employment is the value-added contents in trade flows rather than the total trade values.

The value added (V A) content is defined as the difference between the value of output and the total value of purchased intermediate inputs. It includes compensation for labor and capital and indirect taxes. China is often engaged in the final stage of production by assembling intermediate parts before products are exported to final consumers. Consequently, the total domestic value-added c ontent of China’s exports is relatively low. In

contrast, the value-added content of U.S. exports to China is high, which implies that the imbalances in the gross value of trade flows between the U.S. and China have been overstated the actual trade imbalances that might have asymmetric impacts on economic results of two trading paternals. In addition, China imports large quantity of intermediate goods from South Korea and Taiwan, China. However, with simple processing in China, these products are exported to US and other economies. The calculation of overall trade flows counts their whole value into China’s exports to US rather than exports from South Korea and Taiwan, China. Therefore, it underestimates the impacts of other economies on US imbalance. In this section, we check the value-added contents of trade based on the value-added datasets provided by Johnson and Noguera (2012) and Johnson (2014).

With regards to the bilateral trade flows, the most significant change appears in the value of trade imbalances between US and China. This is because the share of domestic contents containing in China’s exports to US is much lower than the share of other economies’ exports. This value would be even smaller if we adjust the results for processing trade (Johnson & Noguera, 2012; Wang, Wei, Yu, & Zhu, 2017; Wang, Wei, & Zhu, 2013). In addition, Panel A in Fig. 8 shows that the gap between the value added contents and total value of trade imbalances with US is rising for China. However, as illustrated in Panel B and Panel C, this share is

quite stable for Japan and South Korea, with slight increases. South Korea’s trade surplus with US is almost the same with the two measurements, with a few exceptions in which the domestic value-added value was higher than the overall trade imbalances. It implicates that the production activities differ across economies.

5. Further discussion

5.1. Bilateral trade flows by sectors

The main incentive for firms to split its production process is to seek lower cost around the world. Therefore, if the fragmentation of production contributes to the increase of bilateral trade imbalances between US and China, one should expect the conclusions in our previous discussion only hold for sectors that China has comparative advantages. Therefore, next we consider the correlation between China–US bilateral trade imbalances and the trade imbalances between China and South Korea, Japan and Taiwan, China as a group by sectors. It provides evidence consistent with our expectation. China’s trade deficit wit h East Asian economies and trade surplus with US only coexist in the manufacturing sector, which is where China’s comparative advantage lies. In addition, the negative correlation between the two balances of bilateral trade only exists for the agriculture and manufacturing sector, while the correlation is shown to be positive in the non-manufacturing industrial production7 and service sector.

To support the argument that China mainly involves labor-intensive production process, we further investigate the share of value added in the tech-intensive industries and labor-intensive industries. The domestic value-added share of China’s exports to US in the labor-intensive sectors was raised from less than 45% in 1995 to more than 55% in 2009, while this value in the technology-intensive industries decreased sharply after China’s accession to WTO in 2001. The domestic value-added share was around 35% in 2009, which provides support of “fly-geese” story that firms in South Korea and Taiwan, China mainly moved their labor-intensive production activities, such as processing, to China.

5.2. Bilateral trade flows of other economies

As one of the many recipient economies of reallocated production activities from NIEs, China is not a special case in any sense. The above analysis holds for other low-wage economies in China’s neighborhood as well, such as Vietnam and India. The negative correlation discussed above is shown in the case of both India and Vietnam, and only exists in tech-intensive manufacturing industries. Therefore, as long as US still trades with other emerging economies with low wage, closing its deficit with China by imposing high import tariff would cause outmigration of labor-intensive manufacturing to other low-wage emerging economies and help little to bring employment back to the goods-producing sectors in US.

5.3. Changes in patterns of China’s comparative advantages

The main driving force of the fly-geese story and continuous reallocation of production activities across Asian economies is the variation of wages in this area. Cheap labor has played an important role in attracting the labor-intensive production process of the technology-intensive products to China and has contributed to the increase in China’s trade surplus with US. However, China’s wage i s now increasing, which will result in a loss of comparative advantages in the labor-intensive production activities. According to Li, Li, Wu, & Xiong (2012), real annual wages of Chinese urban workers in 1978 was 1004 US dollars, while this value has increased to 5487 US dollars in 2010. The fast wage growth started around 1998, with an annual growth rate at 13.8% during 1998–2010 (Li et al., 2012). In 2015, China’s average annual manufacturing wage was about 9165 measured in 2010 USD. It’s more than double of the wage rate in Thailand, and more than triple of the wage in all other economies shown in Fig. Although China’s labor productivity is estimated to grow at an annual rate of 11.3% during 1997–2010 (Li et al., 2012), China’s labor is still more expjavascript:void(0)ensive than these economies. It implies that the labor markets regulations are experiencing dramatic changes, which might also impact the locations choice of multinational firms.

There are many factors that may explain China’s rising wage, s uch

as the rapid growth and accumulation of capita, the labor market reforms, privatization of state-owned enterprises, spillover from multinational firms, shortage of unskilled labor, and the economic structural change. As a consequence of the dramatic in crease of China’s manufacturing wage, the production process, which was transplanted to China during the 1990s from NIEs has being reallocated to other economies with wages much lower than China, such as Vietnam, Cambodia, Bangladesh, India, Indonesia and even as far as Africa (Lin, 2012, Lin, 2013). Their average wage was still below 2000 USD in 2016. the FDI inflows to China dropped from 243.70 billion (measured in 2010 USD) in 2010 to 154.91 billion USD in 2016, while the outward FDI from China expanded from 57.95 billion to 197.28 billion. Meanwhile, the FDI inflows to Vietnam increased from 0.8 billion to 11.44 billion.

There are two messages we can conclude from the discussion in this section. First, the pattern of China–US trade imbalances was mainly driven by the trade in sectors in which China has comparative advantages, mainly labor-intensive consumption-related manufacturing goods. Therefore, imposing border tariffs on imports from China will hurt US consumers. They will have to pay higher prices for goods either produced domestically or imported from other less competitive, labor-abundant countries. Second, even without imposing an extraordinary import tariff, there will be a reduction in China’s exports to the US due to the

reallocation of manufacturing production activities to other low-wage economies as a result of the increasing wages in China.

6. Conclusion

In this paper, we provide empirical evidences to show: (1) the East Asian economies are traditionally the major source of US’s trade defici ts and provider of labor-intensive manufacturing, consumer goods to the US due to the differences in comparative advantages between US and East Asian economies; (2) The relocation of labor-intensive manufacturing from other East Asian economies to China in a flying-geese pattern due to changing comparative advantages and the global production sharing contribute to the meteoric rise of China–US trade imbalances in the last three decades; (3) Even though the weight of China’s contribution to US’s trade deficit increased sharply after the 1990s, the contribution of East Asian economies as a group to US trade deficit in fact declined in the same period. Therefore, China and East Asian economies cannot be the main cause for the worsening of US trade imbalances after the 1970s; and (4) the China–US trade imbalance is expected to shrink with the rising of wage in China and the relocation of labor-intensive manufacturing from China to other low-wage labor abundant economies.

From the above facts and analysis, Preside nt Trump’s pledge of China as the reason for US’s trade deficit is incorrect and his proposal to impose draconian tariffs on China’s imports to the US will make little

contribution to reducing US’s overall trade imbalances and increasing US jobs. Such a measure may fasten the relocation of some manufacturing activities from China to other low-income economies and mitigate the US–China trade imbalance but not US’s total trade deficit. The US consumers will suffer if President Trump’s proposed tariff measure was implemented because they will have to pay higher prices for the imported manufacturing goods from either China or other economies.

中文

特朗普经济学与中美贸易失衡

贾斯汀·伊夫林

1.引言

美国的贸易逆差从70年代中期之前的最低值扩大到2006年的峰值，达到7,610亿美元，约占美国GDP的5％。商品贸易逆差甚至更大，在2006年达到峰值8,370亿美元。尽管该值在2008年全球金融危机之后有所下降，但在2016年仍高达7,520亿美元的显着水平。美国与其他国家之间的贸易失衡工业化经济体是80年代之前美国贸易逆差上升的最大原因，而近年来，美国主要对新兴的亚洲经济体和石油生产经济体产生逆差。特朗普总统辩称，美国的贸易逆差是由不利于美国的贸易协定引起的，并承诺通过双边谈判或单方面行动消除这些贸易协定。

自2015年总统大选以来，中美贸易失衡一直是特朗普的主要关

心问题。美国人口普查局提供的官方数据显示，作为全球化进程中新兴的主要参与者，中国一直在进行贸易自1984年以来对美国的贸易顺差。中国对美国的贸易顺差从1985年的0.6亿美元贸易顺差增加到2016年的3470.2亿美元贸易顺差，占当年美国贸易逆差的44％。这种巨大的失衡给中美贸易关系带来了巨大压力。一个主要问题是从中国进口的产品对美国国内就业的影响。Autor，Dorn和Hanson （2013）的一篇被高度引用的著作表明，从中国进口的产品对美国的制造业就业产生了负面影响。特朗普总统在竞选中保证对从中国进口的商品征收45％的边境税，以减少美中贸易失衡并保留美国的就业机会。

对从中国进口的商品征收严厉的关税，是否有助于减少美国的总贸易逆差？美国对华贸易逆差的减少会把制造业工作带回美国吗？这些问题的答案取决于导致持续性贸易失衡的原因。

美国贸易赤字上升的原因已被广泛讨论。现有文献为几个关键因素提供了理论和经验支持，例如新兴经济体缺乏投资机会，相对于几个新兴经济体货币的美元汇率被低估，主要商品价格上涨以及-金融管制放松造成的消费，并得到美元作为全球主要储备货币的支持。

本文重点关注中美之间的贸易不平衡，并研究中国在劳动密集型制造业活动中的比较优势，以及以中国为集散地的各经济体之间的全球生产共享，是双边贸易增长的主要来源中美之间的贸易失衡。特别是，本文首先分析了美国与其主要贸易伙伴之间的双边贸易方式，发现东亚传统上是美国贸易逆差的主要来源。该研究进一步发现，在中

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